THE SECRET WAR IN SPAIN
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In Spain the battle of the militant right against the Communists and the left was carried out not clandestinely but as an open and brutal war, which lasted for three years and led to a total of 600,000 casualties, equalling those of the American Civil War. Historian Victor Kiernan wisely observed that an 'army, supposed to be the nation's protector, may really be a watchdog trained to bite some of those under its protection'. Kiernan, obviously, could have been speaking of the secret stay-behind armies. But he made the remark when describing the beginning of the Spanish Civil War that started on July 17, 1936 when a group of army conspirators attempted to take power into their own hands as 'Spanish generals, like their 1 South American cousins, had tenacious habits of intervention in politics.' |
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The military coup of General Franco and his associates came after a leftist reforming government under Manuel Azana had won at the polls on February 16, 1936 and had begun numerous projects many of which benefited the weakest members of the society. Yet in the eyes of the badly controlled powerful army, Spain after the elections was slipping into the embrace of Socialists, Communists, anarchists and church-burners. Many within the military forces were convinced that they had to save the nation from the red menace of Communism that during the very same years in the Soviet Union under Stalin led to fake trials and assassinations on a large scale. Historians, including Kiernan, have been less generous in their evaluation of the beginning of the Spanish Civil War. To them 'the rights and wrongs couldn't have been clearer... There was a classic simplicity about Spain. A democratically elected government was overthrown by the army. The battle lines were clear. On one side stood the poor and against them were fascism, big business, the landowners 2 and the church.' |
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Whereas in Greece in 1967 the military coup established the power of the armed forces in less than 24 hours, in Spain in July 1936 civilian opposition to the military coup was so massive that the republic fought for three years before the military dictatorship under Franco was installed. The battle was long and intensive, not only because large segments of the Spanish population took up arms against the Spanish military, but also because 12 so-called International Brigades formed spontaneously to stiffen the Republican resistance to Franco. Idealistic young men and women, drawn from more than 50 countries around the |
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world, in a unique moment in the history of warfare volunteered to join the
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Fifth Column the day after Mola's press conference. Orders for these raids
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'apparently were instigated by a recent broadcast over the rebel radio station by General Emilio Mola. He stated that he was counting on four columns of troops outside Madrid, and another column of persons hiding within the city who would |
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4 Mola was defeated, the fear of the right-wing secret Fifth Column remained throughout the war. Mike Economides, a Cypriot commander in the International Brigades, used to inform every newcomer that the war in Spain was being waged 5 in two directions, 'the enemy in front, and the Fifth Column in the rear'. 6 discovered that maybe the biggest network of secret Fifth Columns has until today remained the stay-behind network of NATO. |
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Franco ruled with an iron fist and between 1936 and the dictator's death in 1975 no free elections were held in Spain. Amidst arbitrary arrests, fake trials, torture and assassinations the danger of Communists or Socialists gaining positions of influence therefore remained minimal. Hence when in late 1990 Calvo Sotelo, Spanish Prime Minister from February 1981 to December 1982, was questioned on the existence of Gladio in Spain, he observed with bitter irony that during Franco's dictatorship 'the very government was Gladio'. Alberto Oliart, Defence Minister under the Sotelo government, made the same point when he declared it to be 'childish' to claim that an anti-Communist secret army had been set up in 7 Spain in the 1950s because 'here Gladio was the government'. |
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Within the Cold War context Washington did not embrace the bloody hands of Franco from the very beginning. Much to the contrary, after Hitler and Mussolini were dead, segments of the US wartime secret service OSS considered it to be only logical that as the culmination of the anti-Fascist combat dictator Franco had to be removed. And hence in 1947, as the CIA was being created, the OSS started 'Operation Banana'. With the aim to overthrow Franco, Catalan anarchists were equipped with weapons and landed on the shores of the peninsula. However, there does not seem to have existed a solid Anglo-Saxon consensus on the political desirability of removing Franco, as segments in both Washington and London considered him a valuable asset. In the end the British MI6 betrayed Operation Banana to Franco's secret service. The subversives were arrested and the counter 8 coup failed. |
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Franco strengthened his position internationally when in 1953 he sealed a pact with Washington and allowed the United States to station missiles, troops, airplanes |
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and Signals Intelligence (SIGINT) antennas on Spanish soil. In return the
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United States saw to it that Franco's fascial Spain, against the opposition of many countries including prominently the Soviet Union, could overcome his international isolation and became a member of the World Peace Organisation UNO in 1955. As a public sign of support for the Spanish 'bulwark against Communism' US Foreign Minister John Foster Dulles, brother of CIA Director Allen Dulles, met with Franco in December 1957 and Franco's trusted aid, Marine Officer Carrero Blanco, thereafter skilfully cultivated the contacts of the dictatorship with the CIA. By the end of the 1950s, 'the ties had strengthened, making 9 Franco's secret service community one of the best allies of the CIA in Europe'. |
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Franco, together with a series of dictators in Latin America, had become Washington's ally. From the top floors of the American Embassy in Madrid, behind the tightly locked doors of the so-called Office of Political Liaison, the CIA station chief and his clandestine action team closely watched and influenced the evolution of the political life in Spain. Franco in the manner of a classical oligarch increased his wealth and conserved his power by constructing a pyramid of privilege and corruption. His top generals were allowed to make millions from shady business, their officers in turn got their cut, and so on down the line. The entire structure of military power was co-opted by the Caudillo and depended 10 on him for its survival. |
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Within that framework the military and secret service apparatus flourished beyond control and engaged in arms trade, drugs trade, torture, terror and counter- terror. A bit of a constitutional curiosity, under Franco's dictatorship, totalitarian Spain featured not one single Defence Ministry but three, one each for the Army, the Air Force and the Navy. Each of these three Defence Ministries ran its own military secret service: Segunda Seccion Bis of the Army, Segunda Seccion Bis of the Air Force and Servicio Informacion Naval (SEIN) for the Navy. Furthermore the Spanish Chiefs of Staff (Alto Estado Mayor, AEM), placed directly under Franco, also ran their own secret service, the SIAEM (Servicio de Informacion del Alto Estado Mayor). Furthermore the Interior Ministry also operated two secret 11 services, the Direction General De Seguridad (DGS) and the Guardia Civil. |
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In 1990 it was revealed that segments of the Spanish secret services together with the CIA had been running a Spanish Gladio cell in Las Palmas on the Spanish Canary Islands in the Atlantic. The base had allegedly been set up as early as 1948, and was operative throughout the 1960s and 1970s. Above all members of the Army secret service Buro Segundo Bis had allegedly been strongly involved in the secret stay-behind network. Andre Moyen, a 76-years-old retired agent who from 1938 to 1952 had been a member of the Belgian military secret service SDRA, alleged that the Segundo Bis secret service of the Army had always been 'well up to date on 12 the Spanish secret army in the 1950s had been run by the Dutch Consul Herman 13 Laatsman, 'closely linked, as well as his wife, to Andre Moyen'. Further confirmation came from Italy where Colonel Alberto Vollo testified in 1990 'that in the 1960s and 1970s in Las Palmas on the Canary Islands a Gladio training |
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base existed, which was run by US instructors. On the same location existed also
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US SIGINT installations.' 14 |
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Andre Moyen was interviewed by journalists of the Belgian Communist newspaper Drapeau Rouge. As the Cold War had ended, Moyen confirmed to his former adversaries that during his active years he had been intimately involved with operation Gladio and secret operations against the Communist parties in numerous countries. The former agent signalled his surprise that the secret services of Spain had not been investigated more closely, for he knew first 15 hand that they had played 'a key role in the recruitment of Gladio agents'. According to Moyen's own testimony, Belgian Interior Minister Vleeschauwer had in September 1945 sent him to his Italian colleague, Interior Minister Mario Scelba, with the task to find ways to prevent the Communists from coming to power. Thereafter also France became interested and French Interior Minister Jules Moch linked Moyen to the Director of the SDECE, Henri Ribiers. Most sensitively Moyen according to his own testimony in the 1950s in the same context 16 also met with high-ranking military officers in neutral Switzerland. |
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Moyen testified that his first contacts to the Spanish branch of the Gladio network had taken place in October 1948 when 'a cell of the network operated in Las Palmas' on the Spanish Canary Islands in the Atlantic. At that time SDRA agent Moyen had allegedly been sent to the Canary Islands in order to investigate a fraud involving fuels which had been transported by ship from Belgium to the Congo via the Canary Islands. 'The fraud', Moyen testified, 'enriched highly placed Spanish authorities, and furthermore we uncovered a massive drugs trade'. When the secret drugs business was exposed by Belgium, dictator Franco sent 'two agents of the Buro Segundo Bis' of the military chiefs of staff in order to help with the investigation. "They were well informed men, who helped me greatly', Moyen recalls, 'we talked of many things, and they could show me that they were 17 well up to date on Gladio'. |
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In 1968 also Franco was faced with international revolutionary student protests. Fearing large public protests the Spanish Education Minister asked the chief of the SIAEM, General Martos, to carry out secret operations against the universities. Admiral Carrero Blanco, closely connected to the CIA, in October 1968 created a new special unit for the secret war called OCN within the ambit of SIAEM, targeting students, their professors and the entire social revolutionary movement. After a number of successful operations, Blanco in March 1972 decided to transform the SIAEM subsection OCN into a new secret service, which he labelled SECED (Servicio Central de Documentation de la Presidencia del Gobierno), placed under the command of Jose Ignacio San Martin Lopez, 18 who had directed OCN ever since 1968. 19 brutally cracked down on student protests and outspoken professors. According to Gladio author Pietro |
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Franco's dictatorship during the Cold War served as a safe haven for many right-wing terrorists who had taken part in the secret anti-Communist war in |
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Western Europe. Italian right-wing extremist Marco Pozzan. a member of the
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I t a l i a n right-wing organisation Ordine Nuovo, in January 1984 revealed to judge Felice Casson, who later discovered the Gladio secret army, that a whole colony of Italian fascists had installed themselves in Spain during the last years of Franco's rule. More than 100 complotters had fled Italy alter Prince Valerio Borghese had organised a neo-fascist attempt to overthrow the Italian government on December 7, 1970. The right-wing extremists, who included Borghese himself as well as Carlo Cicuttini and Mario Ricci, regrouped in Spain under the leadership of notorious international right-wing terrorist Stefano Delle Chiaie, who during the coup with his men had occupied the Interior Ministry. |
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In Spain, Delle Chiaie linked up with right-wing extremists from other European countries including Otto Skorzeny, a former Nazi, and Yves Guerain Serac, a French former officer of the illegal Organisation Armee Secrete (OAS) and Gladio- linked leader of the Portugal-based CIA front Aginter-Press. Skorzeny was employed by Franco's secret service as a 'security consultant' and hired Delle Chiaie to target opponents of Franco in both Spain and abroad, whereupon Delle Chiaie carried out well over a thousand bloodthirsty attacks, including an estimated 50 murders. The secret war in Spain was characterised by assassinations and acts of terror. Members of Delle Chiaie's secret army, including Italian right-winger Aldo Tisei, later confessed to Italian magistrates that during their Spanish exile they had 20 tracked down and killed anti-Fascists on behalf of the Spanish secret service. |
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Marco Pozzan, who himself had fled to Spain in the early 1970, revealed that 'Caccola', as Delle Chiaie was nicknamed, was well paid for his services in Spain. 'He made very expensive trips. Always by plane, including transatlantic flights. Caccola received the money above all from the Spanish secret service and the police.' Among the targets of the right-wing terrorist ranged the terrorists of ETA (Euskadi Ta Askatasuna) who were fighting for Basque independence. The unit and their supporters were under the command of Caccola infiltrated by agent provocateurs. 'We know that Caccola and his group had operated on the orders of the Spanish police against the Basque autonomists', Pozzan recalled. 'I remember that during a manifestation in Montejurra, Caccola and his group organised a clash with opposed political groups. In order that the Spanish police could not be accused of unjustified violent repressive intervention, Caccola and his group had the task to provocate and create disorder. In this particular instance there were even 21 casualties. This was in 1976.' |
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After Franco's death in 1975, Delle Chiaie decided that Spain was no longer a safe place and left for Chile. There CIA-installed right-wing dictator Pinochet recruited him to haunt and kill Chilean oppositionals in 'Operation Condor' across the Americas. Thereafter Caccola moved to Bolivia, set up death squads to protect the right-wing government and engaged once again in 'murder unlimited'. Stefano Delle Chiaie, born in Italy in 1936, remains the best known terrorist member of the secret armies who clandestinely fought Communism in Europe and abroad during the Cold War. The right-wing terrorist remained a danger to left-wing movements across the world but after having fled from Spain only rarely came back to the |
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Old Continent with the exception of 1980, when he was suspected by the Italian
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police to have come back to Italy in order to carry out the bloody Bologna railway massacre. Aged 51 the untouchable was finally arrested on March 27, 1987 in the capital of Venezuela by the local secret service. Only hours later, agents of the Italian secret service and the CIA wen present on the scene. Cacolla did not express regret for his actions but, with few words, drew attention to the fact that in his secret wars against the left, he had been protected by a number of governments, which in turn wanted him to carry out certain actions, which he then carried out: 'The massacres have taken place. That is a fact. The secret services have covered up the traces. 22 That is another fact.' |
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As Franco vaguely anticipated the end of his days he promoted his CIA liaison officer and secret services master architect Carrero Blanco to the post of Spanish Prime Minister in June 1973. Yet Blanco due to his brutality was hated by large segments of the population and in December of the same year his car drove upon an ETA land mine and he was blown apart. Previously perceived as 'folklorist' the Spanish and French terrorist organisation ETA, fighting for Basque independence, with the assassination of Blanco established itself as a dangerous enemy of the state. |
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After Franco's death on November 20, 1975, the transformation of Spain's dreaded security apparatus proved difficult. SECED (Servicio Central de Docu- mentation de la Defensa), the most prominent Spanish military secret service, changed its label to CESID (Centro Superior de Informacion de la Defensa). Yet its first Director, General Jose Maria Burgon Lopez-Doriga, saw to it that it was made up mostly by ex-members of the SECED. Thus the secret war in cooperation with Italian right-wing extremists was allowed to continue as the press reported during the discovery of the secret Gladio armies in 1990: 'A week ago the Spanish newspaper El Pais discovered the last known link between Spain and the secret network. Carlo Cicuttini, linked to Gladio, took active part in the Atocha massacre in January 1977 in Madrid', the press reported on the secret war. 'Then an extreme right-wing Commando had attacked a lawyer's office closely linked to the Spanish Communist party, killing five people. The attack caused panic, for it fell right into Spain's transition movement, and it was feared to be the start of 23 further attacks, attempting to stop Spain's transition to democracy.' |
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Secret warrior and right-wing terrorist Cicuttini had fled to Spain on board a military plane after the 1972 Italian Peteano bomb which years later was traced back to right-wing terrorist Vincenzo Vinciguerra and the secret army by judge Felice Casson and started the discovery of the Gladio network across Europe. In Spain Cicuttini engaged in secret warfare for Franco who in turn protected him from the Italian justice. In 1987, Italy condemned Cicuttini to life imprisonment for his role in the Peteano massacre. But Spain, now a democracy, in an illustration of the continued influence behind the scene of the military apparatus refused to hand him to the Italians as the right-winger had married the daughter of a Spanish General and had become a Spanish citizen. Only in April 1998, aged 50, right-wing 24 extremist Cicuttini was arrested in France and handed to Italy. |
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Like all other secret armies in Western Europe, Spain's anti-Communist network
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at times cultivated close contacts with NATO. Italian General Gerardo Serravalle, who commanded the Italian Gladio from 1971 to 1974, after the discovery of the 25 network in 1990 wrote a book about the Italian branch of the NATO secret army. In his book the General relates that in 1973, NATO's secret army commanders met in the CPC in Brussels in an extra ordinate meeting in order to discuss the admission of Franco's Spain to the CPC. The French military secret service and the dominant CIA had allegedly requested the admission of the Spanish network while Italy represented by Serravalle had allegedly opposed the suggestion, for it was well known that the Spanish network protected wanted Italian right-wing terrorists. 'Our political authorities', the General reasoned, 'would have found themselves in a situation of extreme embarrassment before the Parliament' if it had been revealed that Italy not only ran a secret army but furthermore also closely cooperated with the Spanish secret network which harboured and protected Italian 26 terrorists. Hence Spain was not officially admitted to the CPC. |
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In a second CPC meeting, this time in Paris, members of Franco's secret service were once again present. They argued that Spain should be allowed to become an official member of the Gladio command centre because Spain had for a long time given the United States the right to station US nuclear missiles on its soil and military ships and submarines in its harbours, but was getting nothing in return from NATO. Sheltered behind the Pyrenees and far away from the Soviet border, the stay-behind post-invasion function seemed not to have been the first thing on the mind of the Spanish secret service agents attending the meeting. Rather they were interested to have a secret network in place to fight the Spanish Socialists and Communists. 'In all meetings there is "an hour of truth", one must only wait for it', Serravalle relates to the meeting in his book. 'It is the hour in which the delegates of the secret services, relaxed with a drink or a coffee, are more inclined to speak frankly. In Paris this hour came during the coffee break. I approached a member of the Spanish service and started by saying his government had maybe overestimated the reality of the danger of the threat from the East. I wanted to provocate him. He, looking at me in complete surprise, admitted that Spain had 27 the problem of the Communists (los rojos). There we had it, the truth.' |
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Spain became an official member of NATO in 1982, but Italian General Serravalle revealed that unofficial contacts had taken place much earlier. Spain, as the General put it, 'did not enter the door, but came through the window'. The Spanish secret army had for instance taken part in a stay-behind exercise commanded by the US forces in Europe in Bavaria, Germany, in March 1973 28 following an invitation of the United States. Furthermore the Spanish secret |
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Spanish of supporting Italian neo-fascists indirectly through the stay-behind "Red
29 Quantum".'
Whether the Spanish Socialists under Prim Minister Felipe Gonzalez, who
had reached power in 1982, were aware of this secret cooperation with NATO remains doubtful. For the relationship with the CESID headed by Colonel Emilio Alonso Manglano was characterised by distrust and powerlessness of the new democratic government. In August 1983 it was revealed that CESID agents were secretly monitoring the conversations of the Socialist government, operating from the cellars of the government building. Despite the scandal which ensued, CESID Director Manglano was not fired. When Spain in 1986 after its truly remarkable peaceful transition from a dictatorship to a democracy was welcomed as a new member of the European Union, many hoped that the secret service apparatus was finally defeated and under solid democratic control. Yet such hopes, as in several other democracies in Western Europe, were shattered also in Spain as the discovery of the secret armies across Western Europe highlighted.
As the press started to report on the secret armies in late 1990, Spanish Communist member of parliament Carlos Carnero raised the well-founded suspicion that Spain might have functioned as a major Gladio base, harbouring neo-fascists from numerous countries, protected under the Franco apparatus. His concerns were confirmed by Amadeo Martinez, a former Colonel in the Spanish military who had been forced to leave the army due to his critical remarks, who declared to the press in 1990 that of course a Gladio-linked structure had existed under Franco also in Spain, which among other sensitive operations had spied on
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opposition politicians. Also Spanish state television thereafter broadcasted a
Gladio report in which it confirmed that Gladio agents had trained in Spain during Franco's dictatorship. An Italian officer involved with the secret armies testified that soldiers of the secret NATO army had trained in Spain from at least 1966 to the mid-1970s. The former agent said that he himself together with 50 others had been instructed at a military base in Las Palmas on the Spanish Canary Islands.
31 According to the source the Gladio instructors were mostly from the United States.
Others were less well informed. Javier Ruperez, first Spanish ambassador to NATO from June 1982 to February 1983, explained to the press that he had had no knowledge of Gladio. Ruperez, at the time of the Gladio discoveries a member of the Spanish conservative Partido Popular Party (PP) and Director of the Defence Commission, declared: 'Never have I known anything about this topic. I did not have the vaguest idea about what I am now reading of in the papers.' Also Fernando Moran, first Spanish Socialist Party (PSOE) Foreign Minister, in office until July 1985, testified for the record that he knew nothing of Gladio: 'Not during my time as minister, or at any other moment, was I aware of the slightest information,
32 indication or rumour on the existence of Gladio or of anything similar.'
Parliamentarian Antonio Romero, a member of the Spanish United Left opposition party (IU), became interested in the mysterious affair and contacted former agents of the secret trade whereupon he became convinced that this secret network had operated also in Spain and had 'acted against militant Communists and anarchists,
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such as against the miners of Asturias and the Catalan and Basque nationalists'.
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On November 15, 1990, Romero thus asked the Spanish government under Socialist Prime Minister Felipe Gonzalez and Defence Minister Narcis Serra to explain exactly what role, if any, the country had played with respect to operation Gladio and the secret stay-behind armies of NATO. Already a day later Spain's Prime Minister Felipe Gonzalez claimed in front of the press that Spain 'was not even 34 posed three questions, of which the first one was: 'Does the Spanish government intend to ask NATO, as a member, for explanations on the activity and existence of a Gladio network?' The second question also aiming at the NATO alliance, Romero wanted to know, whether the Spanish executive 'will start a debate and a clarification on the activities of Gladio on the level of the Defence Ministers, the Foreign Ministers, and the Prime Ministers of the NATO members?' And finally Romero wanted to know, whether the Spanish government was considering the possibility of NATO disloyalty, in so far as 'some allied countries had illegally operated through Gladio, without that Spain was informed of this when it entered 35 NATO [in 1982]?' |
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The next day the Spanish newspapers headlined that 'The Spanish secret service cultivates close links to NATO. [Defence Minister] Serra orders investigation on Gladio network in Spain.' Within Spain's fragile post-fascist political area the topic was of course highly explosive because the press based on unnamed sources revealed that Gladio 'activists were recruited among military men and members of the extreme-right'. Serra became very nervous and in the first reply to journalists was eager to point out that 'when we came to power in 1982, we did not find anything of that sort', adding, 'probably because we entered NATO very late, when the Cold War was calming down'. Furthermore Serra assured the Spanish press that in response to parliamentarian Romero's question he had ordered an investigation to be carried out in his Defence Department on the potential connections of Spain to Gladio. However, sources close to the government revealed to the press that the in-house investigation was designed to hide more than it would reveal, as 'it aimed to confirm that this specific organisation did not operate 36 investigation, and thus, technically, the suspect was investigating the crime. |
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It did not amount to a massive surprise when on Friday November 23,1990, in response to Romero's question, Narcis Serra in front of parliament claimed that based on the CESID investigation Spain had never been a member of the secret Gladio network, 'either before or after the Socialist government'. Then Serra cautiously added that 'it has been suggested there were some contacts in the 1970s, but it is going to be very difficult for the current secret service to be able to verify that type of contact'. Serra, increasingly vague in his statement, referred to 'common sense' instead of using documents, testimonies, facts and figures: 'Since Spain was not a NATO member at the time, common sense says there could not have been very close links.' The Spanish press was not amused and criticised that the Defence Minister either was spreading propaganda, or had no 37 knowledge nor control over the Department which he presided. |
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Above all, Romero was also not satisfied with the answers provided by Serra
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and insisted thati the acting Director of the CESID had to be questioned. 'If the CESID knows nothing on this, then General Manglano must be sacked', Romero concluded in front of the press. For General Manglano was not only the acting Director of the CESID, but also the Spanish delegate to NATO for security affairs. The Gladio scandal culminated in Spain when General Manglano despite the request of the legislative simply refused to take a stand. Angrily Romero concluded that obviously in Spain also 'high ranking military personnel is involved 38 with the Gladio affair'. |
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After the failure of the acting government to shed light on the secret affair the Spanish press questioned the most prominent retired governmental official of the young democracy and asked him whether he knew more about the mysterious affair. Calvo Sotelo, Spanish Prime Minister from February 1981 to December 1982, who during his time in office had nominated General Alonso Manglano as Director of the CESID claimed that Gladio did not exist in Spain: T do not have any knowledge that here something like that has ever existed, and without any doubt, I would have known, if it had existed here.' When the journalists insisted that Gladio armies had existed secretly across Western Europe Sotelo angrily explained that the Gladio network was both 'ridiculous and also criminal', adding 39 that 'If they had informed me of such a crazy thing, I would have acted.' |
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Sotelo confirmed that when Spain had embarked upon its democratic new experiment as a toddler nation after Franco's death, there had been fears about what the Spanish Communist Party (PCE) might do. But 'the modest result of the PCE in the first elections, and the even more modest result in the following elections, calmed our fears'. Sotelo at the time had been a prominent promoter of Spain's NATO membership. But to the press he stressed that Spain upon its entry had not been informed in writing by NATO on the existence of a secret Gladio network: 'There has been no written correspondence on the topic', adding enigmatically, 'and therefore there was also no need to talk about it, if indeed that should have been of what one would have talked'. Sotelo explained that there had been only a few meetings with NATO personnel before Spain joined the Alliance in May 1982, stressing that already at the end of the same year the PSOE had come to power and he had been replaced as Prime Minister by Felipe Gonzalez. There was no Spanish parliamentary Gladio investigation and no detailed public report. |
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9
THE SECRET WAR IN PORTUGAL
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