51.Frank
Had A Dog; His Name Was Spot: The Underground History of American Education by
John Taylor Gatto from archive.org
Frank
Had A Dog; His Name Was Spot
Two
flies now enter the reading ointment in the persons of Horace Mann and his
second wife, Mary Peabody. There is raw
material here for a great intrigue novel: in the early 1830s, a minister in Hartford, Thomas
Gallaudet, invented a
sight-reading, look-say
method to use with the deaf. Like Jacotot, Gallaudet was a man of
unusual personal force and originality.
He served as director at the asylum for the education of the deaf and dumb in Hartford. Deaf mutes couldn't learn a
sound-symbol system, it was thought, so
Gallaudet devised a sight-reading vocabulary of fifty whole-words which
he taught through pictures. Then his
deaf students learned a manual alphabet which permitted them to indicate letters with their fingers and
communicate with others.
Even in light of the harm he inadvertently
caused, it's hard not to be impressed by
Gallaudet. In Gallaudet's system, writing transmuted from a symbolic
record of sounds to a symbolic record of
pictures. Gallaudet had reinvented English as ancient Babylonian! One of his former teachers, William
Woodbridge, then editor of the American Annals of Education, received a long, detailed letter
in which Gallaudet described his flash-card
method and demanded that education be regarded as a science like
chemistry: "Mind, like matter, can
be made subject to experiment." Fifty words could be learned by
memory before introducing the alphabet.
By removing the "dull and tedious" normal method, great interest "has [been] excited in
the mind of the little learner."
Historically, three important threads run
together here: 1) that learning should be
scientific, and learning places a laboratory; 2) that words be learned
ideographically; 3) that relieving
boredom and tedium should be an important goal of pedagogy. Each premise was soon pushed to extremes. These
themes institutionalized would ultimately
require a vast bureaucracy to enforce. But all this lay in the
future.
Gallaudet had adopted the point of view of
a deaf-mute who had to make his way without
assistance from sound to spoken language. Samuel Blumenfeld's analysis
of what was wrong in this is
instructive:
It
led to serious confusions in Gallaudet's thinking concerning two very
different processes; that of learning to
speak one's native language and that of learning to read it. In teaching the deaf to read by sight he was
also teaching them language by sight for the
first time. They underwent two learning processes, not one. But a normal
child came to school already with the
knowledge of several thousand words in his speaking vocabulary, with a much greater intellectual development
which the sense of sound afforded him. In
learning to read it was not necessary to teach him what he already knew,
to repeat the process of learning to
speak. The normal child did not learn his language by learning to read. He learned to read in order to help him
expand his use of the language.
In
1830, Gallaudet published The Child's Picture Defining and Reading Book, a book
for children with normal hearing,
seeking to generalize his method to all. In its preface, the book sets down for the first time basic
whole-word protocols. Words will be taught as
representing objects and ideas, not as sounds represented by letters.
He who controls language controls the
public mind, a concept well understood by Plato. Indeed, the manipulation of language was at
the center of curriculum at the Collegia of
Rome, in the Jesuit academies, and the private schools maintained for
children of the influential classes; it
made up an important part of the text of Machiavelli; it gave rise to the modern arts and sciences of advertising
and public relations. The whole-word
method, honorably derived and employed by men like Gallaudet, was at the
same time a tool to be used by any
regime or interest with a stake in limiting the growth of intellect.
Gallaudet's primer, lost to history, was
published in 1836. One year later, the Boston
School Committee was inaugurated under the direction of Horace Mann.
Although no copies of the primer have
survived, Blumenfeld tells us, "From another source we know that its first line was, Frank had a dog;
his name was Spot." On August 2, 1836,
Gallaudet's primer was adopted by the Boston Primary School Committee on
an experimental basis. A year later a
report was issued pronouncing the method a success on the basis of speed in learning when compared
to the alphabet system, and of bringing a
"pleasant tone" to the classroom by removing "the old
unintelligible, and irksome mode of
teaching certain arbitrary marks, or letters, by certain arbitrary
sounds."
A
sight vocabulary is faster to learn than letters and phonograms, but the gain
is a Trojan horse; only after several
years have passed does the sight reader's difficulty learning words from outside sources begin to become apparent.
By that time conditions made pressing by
the social situation of the classroom and demands from the world at large combine to make it hard to retrace the ground
lost. Mann endorsed Gallaudet's primer
in his Second Annual Report (1838). His
endorsement, Gallaudet's general fame and public adulation, erroneous
reports circulating at the time that
mighty Prussia was using a whole-word system, and possibly the prospect of fame and a little profit,
caused Mann's own wife, Mary Tyler Peabody —
whose family names were linked to a network of powerful families up and
down the Eastern seaboard — to write a
whole-word primer. The Mann family was only one of a host of influential voices being raised
against the traditional reading instructions in the most literate nation on earth. In
Woodbridge's Annals of Education, a steady tattoo was directed against spelling and the alphabet
method.
By
the time of the Gallaudet affair, both Manns were under the spell of
phrenology, a now submerged school of
psychology and the brainchild of a German physician. Francois Joseph Gall, in working with the insane, had
become convinced he had located the
physical site of personality traits like love, benevolence,
acquisitiveness, and many more. He could
provide a map of their positions inside the skull! These faculties signaled
their presence, said Gall, by making
bumps on the visible exterior of the cranium. The significance of this to the future of reading
is that among Gall's claims was: too much
reading causes insanity. The Manns agreed.
One
of Gall's converts was a Scottish lawyer named George Combe. On October 8,
1838, Mann wrote in his diary that he
had met "the author of that extraordinary book, The Constitution of Man, the doctrines of which
will work the same change in metaphysical
science that Lord Bacon wrought in natural." The book was Combe's.
Suddenly the Mann project to downgrade
reading acquired a psychological leg to accompany the political, social, economic, and religious
legs it already possessed. Unlike other
arguments against enlightenment of ordinary people — all of which
invoked one or another form of class
interest — what psychological phrenology offered was a scientific argument based on the supposed best interests
of the child. Thus a potent weapon fell into
pedagogy's hands which would not be surrendered after phrenology was
discredited. If one psychology could not
convince, another might. By appearing to avoid any argument from special interest, the scientific case
took the matter of who should learn what out of
the sphere of partisan politics into a loftier realm of altruism.
Meanwhile Combe helped Mann line up his great
European tour of 1843, which was to
result in the shattering Seventh Report to the Boston School Committee
of 1844. (The Sixth had been a plea to
phrenologize classrooms!) This new report said: "I am satisfied our greatest error in teaching children to read
lies in beginning with the alphabet." Mann
was attempting to commit Massachusetts children to the hieroglyphic
system of Gallaudet. The result was an
outcry from Boston's schoolmasters, a battle that went on in the public press for many months culminating
(on the schoolmaster's side) in this
familiar lament:
Education is a great concern; it has often
been tampered with by vain theorists; it has
suffered from the stupid folly and the delusive wisdom of its
treacherous friends; and we hardly know
which have injured it most. Our conviction is that it has much more to
hope from the collected wisdom and
common prudence of the community than from the
suggestions of the individual. Locke injured it by his theories, and so
did Rousseau, and so did Milton. All
their plans were too splendid to be true. It is to be advanced by conceptions, neither soaring above the
clouds, nor groveling on the earth — but by those plain, gradual, productive, common sense
improvements, which use may encourage and
experience suggest. We are in favor of advancement, provided it be
towards usefulness.... We love the
secretary but we hate his theories. They stand in the way of substantial education. It is impossible for a sound mind
not to hate them.
The
Pedagogy Of Literacy
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