They’re Killing Us Like Dogs: A Massacre In Bolivia and a Plea for Help
In Brief
- The Facts:I first persons view of what is happening in Bolivia right now as political unrest is rampant. Many people are suffering and the de facto government has threatened journalists with sedition should they spread “disinformation” by covering protests.
- Reflect On:Why are
there always opposing narratives with regards to such events from
mainstream media and independent media? Why is independent media being
censored so much? What's going on
here?
I am
writing from Bolivia just days after witnessing the November 19
military massacre at the Senkata gas plant in the indigenous city of El
Alto, and the tear-gassing of a peaceful funeral procession on November
21 to commemorate the dead. These are examples, unfortunately, of the
modus operandi of the de facto government that seized control in a coup
that forced Evo Morales out of power.
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The coup has spawned massive protests,
with blockades set up around the country as part of a national strike
calling for the resignation of this new government. One well-organized
blockade is in El Alto, where residents set up barriers surrounding
the Senkata gas plant, stopping tankers from leaving the plant and
cutting off La Paz’s main source of gasoline.
Determined to break the blockade, the
government sent in helicopters, tanks and heavily armed soldiers in the
evening of November 18. The next day, mayhem broke out when the soldiers
began teargassing residents, then shooting into the crowd. I arrived
just after the shooting. The furious residents took me to local clinics
where the wounded were taken. I saw the doctors and nurses desperately
trying to save lives, carrying out emergency surgeries in difficult
conditions with a shortage of medical equipment. I saw five dead bodies
and dozens of people with bullet wounds. Some had just been walking to
work when they were struck by bullets. A grieving mother whose son was
shot cried out between sobs: “They’re killing us like dogs.” In the end,
there were 8 confirmed dead.
The next day, a local church became an
improvised morgue, with the dead bodies–some still dripping blood–lined
up in pews and doctors performing autopsies. Hundreds gathered outside
to console the families and contribute money for coffins and funerals.
They mourned the dead and cursed the government for the attack and the
local press for refusing to tell the truth about what happened.
The local news coverage about Senkata was almost as startling as the lack of medical supplies. The de facto government has threatened journalists with sedition should
they spread “disinformation” by covering protests, so many don’t even
show up. Those who do often spread disinformation. The main TV station
reported three deaths and blamed the violence on the protesters, giving
airtime to the new Defense Minister Fernando Lopez who made the absurd
claim that soldiers did not fire “a single bullet” and that “terrorist
groups” had tried to use dynamite to break into the gasoline plant.
It’s little wonder that many Bolivians have no idea what is
happening. I have interviewed and spoken to dozens of people on both
sides of the political divide. Many of those who support the de facto
government justify the repression as a way to restore stability. They
refuse to call President Evo Morales’ ouster a coup and claim there was
fraud in the October 20 election that sparked the conflict. These claims
of fraud, which were prompted by a report by the Organization of
American States, have been debunked by the Center for Economic and Policy Research, a think tank in Washington, D.C.
Morales, the first indigenous president in a country with an
indigenous majority, was forced to flee to Mexico after he, his family
and party leaders received death threats and attacks–including the
burning of his sister’s house. Regardless of the criticisms, people may
have of Evo Morales, especially his decision to seek a fourth term, it
is undeniable that he oversaw a growing economy that decreased poverty and inequality. He also brought relative stability to a country with a history of coups and upheavals. Perhaps
most importantly, Morales was a symbol that the country’s indigenous
majority could no longer be ignored. The de facto government has defaced
indigenous symbols and insisted on the supremacy of Christianity and
the Bible over indigenous traditions that the self-declared president, Jeanine Añez, has characterized as “satanic.” This surge in racism has not been lost on the indigenous protesters, who demand respect for their culture and traditions.
Jeanine Añez, who was the third highest-ranking member of the Bolivian Senate, swore herself in as president after Morales’ resignation, despite not having a necessary quorum in the legislature to approve her as president. The people in front of her in the line of succession – all of whom belong to Morales’ MAS party – resigned under duress. One of those is Victor Borda, president of the lower house of congress, who stepped down after his home was set on fire and his brother was taken hostage.
Upon taking power, Áñez’s government threatened to arrest MAS legislators, accusing them of “subversion and sedition”, despite the fact that this party holds a majority in both chambers of congress. The de facto government then received international condemnation after issuing a decree granting immunity to the military in its efforts to re-establish order and stability. This decree has been described as a “license to kill” and “carte blanche” to repress, and it has been strongly criticized by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights.
The result of this decree has been death, repression and massive violations of human rights. In the week and a half since the coup, 32 people have died in protests, with more than 700 wounded. This conflict is spiraling out of control and I fear it will only get worse. Rumors abound on social media of military and police units refusing the de facto government’s orders to repress. It is not hyperbole to suggest that this could result in a civil war. That’s why so many Bolivians are desperately calling for international help. “The military has guns and a license to kill; we have nothing,” cried a mother whose son had just been shot in Senkata. “Please, tell the international community to come here and stop this.”
I have been calling for Michelle Bachelet, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and former president of Chile, to join me on the ground in Bolivia. Her office is sending a technical mission to Bolivia, but the situation requires a prominent figure. Restorative justice is needed for the victims of violence and dialogue is needed to defuse tensions so Bolivians can restore their democracy. Ms. Bachelet is highly respected in the region; her presence could help save lives and bring peace to Bolivia.
Feature photo | Gloria Quispe mourns next to the body of her brother Antonio, killed by security forces, in El Alto, Bolivia, Nov. 20, 2019. Natacha Pisarenko | AP
This article was written by Medea Benjamin for Mintpress News where it was originally published. She is the co-founder of CODEPINK, a women-led peace and human rights grassroots organization. She has been reporting from Bolivia since November 14.
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Jeanine Añez, who was the third highest-ranking member of the Bolivian Senate, swore herself in as president after Morales’ resignation, despite not having a necessary quorum in the legislature to approve her as president. The people in front of her in the line of succession – all of whom belong to Morales’ MAS party – resigned under duress. One of those is Victor Borda, president of the lower house of congress, who stepped down after his home was set on fire and his brother was taken hostage.
Upon taking power, Áñez’s government threatened to arrest MAS legislators, accusing them of “subversion and sedition”, despite the fact that this party holds a majority in both chambers of congress. The de facto government then received international condemnation after issuing a decree granting immunity to the military in its efforts to re-establish order and stability. This decree has been described as a “license to kill” and “carte blanche” to repress, and it has been strongly criticized by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights.
The result of this decree has been death, repression and massive violations of human rights. In the week and a half since the coup, 32 people have died in protests, with more than 700 wounded. This conflict is spiraling out of control and I fear it will only get worse. Rumors abound on social media of military and police units refusing the de facto government’s orders to repress. It is not hyperbole to suggest that this could result in a civil war. That’s why so many Bolivians are desperately calling for international help. “The military has guns and a license to kill; we have nothing,” cried a mother whose son had just been shot in Senkata. “Please, tell the international community to come here and stop this.”
I have been calling for Michelle Bachelet, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and former president of Chile, to join me on the ground in Bolivia. Her office is sending a technical mission to Bolivia, but the situation requires a prominent figure. Restorative justice is needed for the victims of violence and dialogue is needed to defuse tensions so Bolivians can restore their democracy. Ms. Bachelet is highly respected in the region; her presence could help save lives and bring peace to Bolivia.
Feature photo | Gloria Quispe mourns next to the body of her brother Antonio, killed by security forces, in El Alto, Bolivia, Nov. 20, 2019. Natacha Pisarenko | AP
This article was written by Medea Benjamin for Mintpress News where it was originally published. She is the co-founder of CODEPINK, a women-led peace and human rights grassroots organization. She has been reporting from Bolivia since November 14.
The views expressed in this article are the author’s own
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