WEDNESDAY, MAY 30, 1787.↩
JOURNAL
Wednesday May 30. 1787.↩
The honorable Roger Sherman Esquire a Deputy of the State of Connecticut attended and took his seat.
The order of the day being read
The House resolved itself into a Committee of the whole House to consider of the state of the American union
Mr President left the chair.
Mr Gorham, chosen by ballot,1 took the chair of the Committee.
Mr President resumed the chair
Mr
Gorham reported from the Committee, that the Committee had made a
progress in the matter to them referred; and had directed him to move
that they may have leave to sit again
Resolved that
this House will to-morrow again resolve itself into a Committee of the
whole House to consider of the state of the American union
And then the House adjourned till to-morrow at 10 o’clock A.M.
In a Committee of the Whole House.
Wednesday May 30. 1787.↩
Agreeably to the order of the day the House resolved itself [30] into a Committee of the whole House to consider of the State of the American union. — Mr Gorham in the Chair:
The propositions
offered yesterday to the consideration of the House by Mr Randolph were
read — and on motion of Mr Randolph, seconded by Mr G. Morris
That the consideration of the first resolution contained in the said propositions be postponed.
it passed in the affirmative.
It was then
moved by Mr Randolph and seconded by Mr G Morris to substitute the
following resolution in the place of the first resolution
Resolved that an union of the States, merely
fœderal, will not accomplish the objects proposed by the articles of
confederation, namely “common defence, security of liberty, and general
welfare.
It was moved by
Mr Butler seconded by Mr Randolph to postpone the consideration of the
said resolution in order to take up the following resolution submitted
by Mr Randolph namely
Resolved that a national government ought to be established consisting of a supreme legislative, judiciary and executive.
It was moved by
Mr Read seconded by Mr C. C. Pinckney to postpone the consideration of
the last resolution in order to take up the following
Resolved That in order to carry into
execution the design of the States in forming this convention and to
accomplish the objects proposed by the confederation “a more effective
government consisting of a Legislative, Judiciary, and Executive ought
to be established”
On the question to postpone, in order to take up the last resolution, the question was lost.
On motion to agree to the said resolution moved by Mr Butler it passed in the affirmative [ayes — 6; noes — 1; divided — 1.]2 — and the resolution, as agreed to, is as follows.
Resolved that it is the opinion of this Committee that a [31] national government ought to be established consisting of a supreme Legislative, Judiciary, and Executive
The following resolution was then moved by Mr Randolph,
Resolved that
the rights of suffrage in the national legislature ought to be
proportioned to the quotas of contribution, or to the number of free
inhabitants, as the one or the other rule may seem best in different
cases.
It was moved by Mr Hamilton seconded by Mr Spaight that the resolution be altered so as to read
Resolved that the rights of suffrage in the national legislature ought to be proportioned to the number of free inhabitants
It was moved and seconded that the resolution be postponed — and on the question to postpone it passed in the affirmative
The following resolution was moved by Mr Randolph seconded by Mr Madison
Resolved that the rights of suffrage in the
national legislature ought to be proportioned — it was moved and
seconded to add the words “and not according to the present system” — On
the question to agree to the amendment it passed in the affirmative.
[Ayes — 7; noes — 0.]3
It was then moved and seconded so to alter the resolution that it should read
Resolved that the rights of suffrage in the national legislature ought not to be according
It was then moved and
seconded to postpone the consideration of the last resolution — And, on
the question to postpone, it passed in the affirmative
The following resolution was then moved by Mr Madison seconded by Mr G. Morris.
Resolved that
the equality of suffrage established by the articles of confederation
ought not to prevail in the national legislature and that an equitable
ratio of representation ought to be substituted
[32]
It was moved and seconded to postpone the consideration of the last resolution
And on the question to postpone it passed in the affirmative. [Ayes — 7; noes — 1.]4
It was moved and seconded that the Committee do now rise.
[none]
MADISON
Wednesday May 30.↩
〈Roger Sherman (from Connecticut) took his seat.〉7
The House went into Committee of the Whole on the State of the Union. Mr. Gorham was elected to the Chair by Ballot.
The propositions of Mr. Randolph which had
been referred to the Committee being taken up. He moved on the
suggestion of Mr G. Morris
that the first of his propositions to wit 〈“Resolved8
that the articles of Confederation ought to be so corrected &
enlarged, as to accomplish the objects proposed by their institution;
namely, common defence, security of liberty & general welfare〉 . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .should be postponed in order to consider the 3 following.
1.
that a Union of the States merely federal 〈will not accomplish the
objects proposed by the articles of Condeferation, namely common
defence, security of liberty, & genl. welfare.〉9
2. that no treaty or treaties among the whole or part of the States, as individual sovereignties, would be sufficient.
3 that a national Government 〈ought to be established〉 consisting of a supreme Legislative, Executive & Judiciary.
The motion for postponing was seconded by Mr. Govr. Morris and unanimously agreed to.
Some verbal
criticisms were raised agst. the first proposition, and it was agreed
〈on motion of Mr Butler seconded by Mr. Randolph,〉7
to pass on to the third, which underwent a discussion. less however on
its general merits than on the force and extent of the particular terms national10 & supreme.
Mr. Charles Pinkney wished to know of Mr. Randolph [34]
whether he meant to abolish the State Governts. altogether. Mr. R.
replied that he meant by these general propositions merely to introduce
the particular ones which explained the outlines of the system he had in
view.
Mr. Butler said
he had not made up his mind on the subject, and was open to the light
which discussion might throw on it. 〈After some general observations he
concluded with saying that he had〉11
opposed the grant of powers to Congs. heretofore, because the whole
power was vested in one body. The proposed distribution of the powers
into different bodies changed the case, and would induce him to go great
lengths.
Genl. Pinkney expressed a doubt whether the act of Congs. recommending the Convention,12 or the Commissions of the deputies to it,13 could authorize a discussion of a System founded on different principles from the federal Constitution.
Mr. Gerry seemed to entertain the same doubt.
Mr. Govr. Morris explained the distinction between a federal and national, supreme, Govt.; the former being a mere compact resting on the good faith of the parties; the latter having a compleat and compulsive operation. He contended that in all communities there must be one supreme power, and one only.
Mr. Mason observed that the present
confederation was not only deficient in not providing for coercion &
punishment agst. delinquent States; but argued very cogently that
punishment could not 〈in the nature of things be executed on〉 the States
collectively, and therefore that such a Govt. was necessary as could
directly operate on individuals, and would punish those only whose guilt
required it.
Mr. Sherman who took his seat to day,
admitted that the Confederation had not given sufficient power to Congs.
and that additional powers were necessary; particularly that of raising
money which he said would involve many other powers. He admitted also
that the General & particular jurisdictions [35]
ought in no case to be concurrent. He seemed however not be disposed to
Make too great inroads on the existing system; intimating as one
reason, that it would be wrong to lose every amendment, by inserting
such as would not be agreed to by the States
〈It was moved by Mr. Read 2ded by Mr. Chas.
Cotesworth Pinkney, to postpone the 3d. proposition last offered by Mr.
Randolph viz that a national Government ought to be established
consisting of a supreme legislative Executive and Judiciary,” in order
to take up the following — viz. “Resolved that in order to carry into
execution the Design of the States in forming this Convention, and to
accomplish the objects proposed by the Confederation a more effective
Government consisting of a Legislative, Executive and Judiciary ought to
be established.” The motion to postpone for this purpose was lost:
Yeas Massachusetts, Connecticut. Delaware S. Carolina — 4 Nays N. Y. Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina — 4〉14
On the question 〈as moved by Mr. Butler on the third proposition〉15
it was resolved in Committee of the whole that a national Governt.
ought to be established consisting of a supreme Legislative Executive
& Judiciary.” Massts. being ay — Connect. no. N. York divided (Col.
Hamilton ay Mr. Yates no) Pena. ay. Delaware ay. Virga. ay. N. C. ay. S.
C. ay. [Ayes — 6; noes — 1; divided — 1.]
〈The following Resolution being the 2d. of
those proposed by Mr. Randolph was taken up. viz — “that the rights of
suffrage in the National Legislature ought to be proportioned to the
quotas of contribution, or to the number of free inhabitants, as the one
or the other rule may seem best in different cases.”〉16
Mr. M〈adison〉 observing that the words 〈“or to the number [36] of〉 free inhabitants.”
might occasion debates which would divert the Committee from the
general question whether the principle of representation should be
changed, moved that they might be struck out.
Mr. King observed that the quotas of
contribution which would alone remain as the measure of representation,
would not answer; because waving every other view of the matter, the
revenue might hereafter be so collected by the general Govt. that the
sums respectively drawn from the States would 〈not〉 appear; and would
besides be continually varying.
〈Mr. Madison admitted the propriety of the observation, and that some better rule ought to be found.17
Col. Hamilton moved to alter the resolution
so as to read “that the rights of suffrage in the national Legislature
ought to be proportioned to the number of free inhabitants. Mr. Spaight
2ded. the motion.
It was then moved that the Resolution be postponed, which was agreed to.
Mr. Randolph and Mr. Madison then moved the
following resolution — “that the rights of suffrage in the national
Legislature ought to be proportioned”
It was moved and 2ded. to amend it by adding “and not according to the present system” — which was agreed to.
It was then moved and 2ded. to alter the
resolution so as to read “that the rights of suffrage in the national
Legislature ought not to be according to the present system.”
It was then moved & 2ded. to postpone the Resolution moved by Mr. Randolph & Mr. Madison, which being agreed to;
Mr. Madison, moved, in order to get over the
difficulties, the following resolution — “that the equality of suffrage
established by the articles of Confederation ought not to prevail in
the national Legislature, and that an equitable ratio of representation
ought to be substituted” This was 2ded. by Mr. Govr. Morris, and being
generally relished, would have been agreed to; when,〉
[37]
Mr. Reed moved that the whole clause
relating to the point of Representation be postponed; reminding the
Come. that the deputies from Delaware were restrained by their
commission from assenting to any change of the rule of suffrage, and in
case such a change should be fixed on, it might become their duty to
retire from the Convention.18
Mr. Govr. Morris observed that the valuable
assistance of those members could not be lost without real concern, and
that so early a proof of discord in the convention as a secession of a
State, would add much to the regret; that the change proposed was
however so fundamental an article in a national Govt. that it could not
be dispensed with.
Mr. M〈adison〉 observed that whatever reason
might have existed for the equality of suffrage when the Union was a
federal one among sovereign States, it must cease when a national
Governt. should be put into the place. In the former case, the acts of
Congs. depended so much for their efficacy on the cooperation of the
States, that these had a weight both within & without Congress,
nearly in proportion to their extent and importance. In the latter case,
as the acts of the Genl. Govt. would take effect without the
intervention of the State legislatures, a vote from a small State wd.
have the same efficacy & importance as 〈a vote〉 from a large one,
and there was the same reason for 〈different numbers〉 of representatives
from different States, as from Counties of different extents within
particular States. He suggested as an expedient for at once taking the
sense of the members on this point and saving the Delaware deputies from
embarrassment, that the question should be taken in Committee, and the
clause on report to the House 〈be postponed without a question there〉.
This however did not appear to satisfy Mr. Read.
By several it was observed that no just
construction of the Act of Delaware, could require or justify a
secession of her deputies, even if the resolution were to be carried
thro’ the House as well as the Committee. It was finally agreed however
that the clause should be postponed: it being understood [38]
that in the event the proposed change of representation would certainly
be agreed to, no objection or difficulty being started from any other
quarter 〈than from Delaware.19
The motion of Mr. Read to postpone being agreed to
The Committee then rose. The Chairman
reported progress, and the House having resolved to resume the subject
in Committee tomorrow,20
Adjourned to 10 OClock〉
[May]21
30. — (pa. 38 to 47) Mr Sherman attended. In Comee of the whole — Mr Rs
1. res. was on his motion postponed. to consider three others
introduced by him — the two first asserting the inefficiency of the
federal & the 3d the necessity for a national & supreme govt. The latter after some discussion was resolved after debating the 2. res. on the right of suffrage it was postponed —
YATES
Wednesday, May 30th, 1787.↩
Convention met pursuant to adjournment.
The convention, pursuant to order, resolved
itself into a committee of the whole — Mr. Gorham (a member from
Massachusetts) appointed chairman.
Mr. Randolph then moved his first resolve,
to wit: “Resolved, that the articles of the confederation ought to be so
corrected and enlarged, as to accomplish the objects proposed by their
institution, namely, common defence, security of liberty, and general
welfare.”
Mr. G. Morris observed, that it was an
unnecesaary resolution, as the subsequent resolutions would not agree
with it. It was then withdrawn by the proposer, and in lieu thereof the
following were proposed, to wit:
[39]
1. Resolved,
That a union of the states, merely federal, will not accomplish the
objects proposed by the articles of the confederation, namely, common
defence, security of liberty, and general welfare.
2. Resolved,
That no treaty or treaties among any of the states as sovereign, will
accomplish or secure their common defence, liberty or welfare.
3. Resolved, That a national government ought to be established, consisting of a supreme judicial, legislative and executive.
In considering the question on the first resolve, various modifications were proposed, when Mr. Pinkney22
observed, at last, that if the convention agreed to it, it appeared to
him that their business was at an end; for as the powers of the house in
general were to revise the present confederation, and to alter or amend
it as the case might require; to determine its insufficiency or
incapability of amendment or improvement, must end in the dissolution of
the powers.
This remark had its weight, and in consequence of it, the 1st and 2d resolve was dropt, and the question agitated on the third.
This last resolve had also its difficulties; the term supreme
required explanation — It was asked whether it was intended to
annihilate state governments? It was answered, only so far as the powers
intended to be granted to the new government should clash with the
states, when the latter was to yield.
For the resolution — Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Virginia, North-Carolina, South-Corolina.
Against it — Connecticut, New-York divided, Jersey and the other states unrepresented.
The next question was on the following resolve:
In substance that the mode of the present
representation was unjust — the suffrage ought to be in proportion to
number or property.
[40]
To this Delaware objected, in consequence of
the restrictions in their credentials, and moved to have the
consideration thereof postponed, to which the house agreed.
Adjourned to to-morrow.
McHENRY↩
May 30.↩
Mr. Randolph wished the house to dissent
from the first proposition on the paper delivered in to the convention
in order to take up the following
1st.
That a union of the States merely federal will not accomplish the object
proposed by the articles of confederation, namely “common defence,
security of liberty, and general welfare.”
2.
That no treaty or treaties between the whole or a less number of the
States in their sovereign capacities will accomplish their common
defence, liberty, or welfare.
3. That therefore a national government ought to be established consisting of a supreme legislature, judi[c]iary and executive.
On a question
taken on the last proposition after various attempts to amend it, the
same was agreed to. For it, Massachusets Pennsylv. Delaware, Virginia,
N. Carolina, and S. Carolina — against it Connecticut. New York divided.
The Committee then proceeded to consider the 2 Resolution in Mr. Randolphs paper viz
That the rights
of suffrage in the national legislature ought to be proportioned to the
quotas of contribution or to the number of free inhabitants as the one
or the other rule may seem best in different cases.
As this gave the
large States the most absolute controul over the lesser ones it met
with opposition which produced an adjournment without any determination.
The Committee of the whole to sit to-morrow.
May 30th23↩
1st resolution from Mr. Randol.
Mr. R. wishes to have that resol. dissented to. The resol. postponed to take up the following:
1st.
That a union of the States merely fœderal will not accomplish the object
proposed by the articles of confederation, namely, “common defence,
security of liberty, and general welfare”.
Mr. C. Pinkney wishes to know whether the
establishment of this Resolution is intended as a ground for a
consolidation of the several States into one.
Mr. Randol has nothing further in contemplation than what the propositions he has submitted yesterday has expressed.
2.
Resolved that no treaty or treaties between the whole or a less number
of the States in their sovereign capacities will accomplish their common
defence, liberty or welfare.
3.
Resolved therefore that a national governmen ought to be established
consisting of a supreme legislature, judiciary and executive.
Mr. Whythe
presumes from the silence of the house that they gentn. are prepared to
pass on the resolution and proposes its being put.
Mr. Butler —
does not think the house prepared, that he is not. Wishes Mr. Randolph
to shew that the existence of the States cannot be preserved by any
other mode than a national government.
Gen. Pinkney —
Thinks agreeing to the resolve is declaring that the convention does not
act under the authority of the recommendation of Congress.
The first resolution postponed to take up
the 3d. viz — Resolved that a national government ought to be
established consisting of a supreme legislature, judiciary and
executive.
1787, 21 Febry. Resolution of Congress.
Resolved that in the opinion of Congress it is expedient [42]
that on the 2d Monday of May next a convention of delegates who shall
have been appointed by the several States to be held at Philada. for the
sole and expres purpose of revising the articles of confederation,
and reporting to Congress and the several legislatures, such
alterations and provisions therein as shall when agreeed to in Congress,
and confirmed by the States, render the fœderal constitution, adequate to the exigencies of government and the preservation of the union.”
Mr. Randolph explains the intention of the
3d Resolution. Repeats the substance of his yesterdays observations. It
is only meant to give the national government a power to defend and
protect itself. To take therefore from the respective legislatures or
States, no more soverignty than is competent to this end.
Mr. Dickinson. Under obligations to the
gentlemen who brought forward the systems laid before the house
yesterday. Yet differs from the mode of proceeding to which the
resolutions or propositions before the Committee lead. Would propose a
more simple mode. All agree that the confederation is defective all
agree that it ought to be amended. We are a nation altho’ consisting of
parts or States — we are also confederated, and he hopes we shall always
remain confederated. The enquiry should be —
1. What are the legislative powers which we should vest in Congress.
2. What judiciary powers.
3 What executive powers.
We may resolve therefore,
in order to let us into the business. That the confederation is
defective; and then proceed to the definition of such powers as may be
thought adequate to the objects for which it was instituted.
Mr. E. Gerry. Does not rise to speak to the merits of the question before the Committee but to the mode.
A distinction has been made between a federal and national
government. We ought not to determine that there is this distinction
for if we do, it is questionable not only whether this convention can
propose an government totally different or whether Congress itself would
have a right to pass such a [43]
resolution as that before the house. The commission from Massachusetts
empowers the deputies to proceed agreeably to the recommendation of
Congress. This the foundation of the convention. If we have a right to
pass this resolution we have a right to annihilate the confederation.
Proposes — In the opinion of this
convention, provision should be made for the establishment of a fœderal
legislative, judiciary, and executive.
Governeur Morris. Not yet ripe for a
decision, because men seem to have affixed different explanations to the
terms before the house. 1. We are not now under a fœderal government.
2. There is no such thing. A fœderal government is that which has a
right to compel every part to do its duty. The fœderal gov. has no such
compelling capacities, whether considered in their legislative, judicial
or Executive qualities.
The States in their appointments Congress in their recommendations point directly to the establishment of a supreme government capable of “the common defence, security of liberty and general welfare.
Cannot conceive of a government in which there can exist two supremes.
A federal agreement which each party may violate at pleasure cannot
answer the purpose. One government better calculated to prevent wars or
render them less expensive or bloody than many.
We had better take a supreme government now, than a despot twenty years hence — for come he must.
Mr. Reed, Genl. Pky [Pinckney] 2dng. proposes — In order to carry into execution the design of the States inthis meeting and to accomplish the objects
proposed by the confederation resolved that A more effective government
consisting of a legislative judiciary and executive ought to be
established.⚓✪
In order to carry into execution
Mr. R. King — The object of the motion from
Virginia, an establishment of a government that is to act upon the whole
people of the U. S.
The object of the motion from Delaware seems to have [44] application merely to the strenghtening the confederation by some additional powers —
Mr. Maddison —
The motion does go to bring out the sense of the house — whether the
States shall be governed by one power. If agreed to it will decide
nothing. The meaning of the States that the confed. is defect. and ought
to be amended. In agreeing to the . . .24
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