CHAPTER TWELVE
Conclusions
We have demonstrated with documentary evidence a number of critical associations between Wall Street international bankers and the rise of Hitler and Nazism in Germany.
First: that
Wall Street financed the German cartels in the mid-1920s which in turn
proceeded to bring Hitler to power.
Second: that
the financing for Hitler and his S.S. street thugs came in part from affiliates
or subsidiaries of U.S. firms, including Henry Ford in 1922, payments by I.G.
Farben and General Electric in 1933, followed by the Standard Oil of New Jersey
and I.T.T. subsidiary payments to Heinrich Himmler up to 1944.
Third: that
U.S. multi-nationals under the control of Wall Street profited handsomely from
Hitler's military construction program in the 1930s and at least until 1942.
Fourth: that
these same international bankers used political influence in the U.S. to cover
up their wartime collaboration and to do this infiltrated the U.S. Control
Commission for Germany.
Our evidence
for these four major assertions can be summarized as follows:
In Chapter One
we presented evidence that the Dawes and Young Plans for German reparations
were formulated by Wall Streeters, temporarily wearing the hats of statesmen,
and these loans generated a rain of profits for these international bankers.
Owen Young of General Electric, Hjalmar Schacht, A. Voegler, and others
intimately connected with Hitler's accession to power had earlier been the
negotiators for the U.S. and German sides, respectively. Three Wall Street houses
— Dillon, Read; Harris, Forbes; and, National City Company — handled
three-quarters of the reparations loans used to create the German cartel
system, including the dominant I.G. Farben and Vereinigte Stahlwerke, which
together produced 95 percent of the explosives for the Nazi side in World War
II.
The central
role of I.G. Farben in Hitler's coup d'
état was reviewed in Chapter Two. The directors of American I.G. (Farben)
were identified as prominent American businessmen: Walter Teagle, a close
Roosevelt associate and backer and an NRA administrator; banker Paul Warburg
(his brother Max Warburg was on the board of I.G. Farben in Germany); and Edsel
Ford. Farben contributed 400,000 RM directly to Schacht and Hess for use in the
crucial 1933 elections and Farben was subsequently in the forefront of military
development in Nazi Germany.
A donation of
60,000 RM was made to Hitler by German General Electric (A.E.G.), which had
four directors and a 25-30 percent interest held by the U.S. General Electric
parent company. This role was described in Chapter Three, and we found that
Gerard Swope, an originator of Roosevelt's New Deal (its National Recovery
Administration segment), together with Owen Young of the Federal Reserve Bank
of New York and Clark Minor of International General Electric, were the
dominant Wall Streeters in A.E.G. and the most significant single influence.
We also found
no evidence to indict the German electrical firm Siemens, which was not under Wall Street control. In
contrast, there is documentary evidence that both A.E.G. and Osram, the other
units of the German electrical industry — both of which had U.S. participation
and control — did finance Hitler. In
fact, almost all directors of German General Electric were Hitler backers,
either directly through A.E.G. or indirectly through other German firms, G.E.
rounded out its Hitler support by technical cooperation with Krupp, aimed at
restricting U.S. development of tungsten carbide, which worked to the detriment
of the U.S. in World War II. We concluded that A.E.G. plants in Germany
managed, by a yet unknown maneuver, to avoid bombing by the Allies.
An examination
of the role of Standard Oil of New Jersey (which was and is controlled by the
Rockefeller interests) was undertaken in Chapter Four. Standard Oil apparently
did not finance Hitler's accession to power in 1933 (that part of the
"myth of Sidney Warburg" is not proven). On the other hand, payments
were made up to 1944 by Standard Oil of New Jersey, to develop synthetic
gasoline for war purposes on behalf of the Nazis and, through its wholly owned
subsidiary, to Heinrich Himmler's S.S. Circle of Friends for political
purposes. Standard Oil's role was technical aid to Nazi development of
synthetic rubber and gasoline through a U.S. research company under the
management control of Standard Oil. The Ethyl Gasoline Company, jointly owned
by Standard Oil of New Jersey and General Motors, was instrumental in supplying
vital ethyl lead to Nazi Germany — over the written protests of the U.S. War
Department — with the clear knowledge that the ethyl lead was for Nazi military
purposes.
In Chapter Five
we demonstrated that International Telephone and Telegraph Company, one of the
more notorious multi-nationals, worked both sides of World War II through Baron
Kurt von Schroder, of the Schroder banking group. I.T.T. also held a 28-percent
interest in Focke-Wolfe aircraft, which manufactured excellent German fighter
planes. We also found that Texaco (Texas Oil Company) was involved in Nazi
endeavors through German attorney Westrick, but dropped its chairman of the
board Rieber when these endeavors were publicized.
Henry Ford was
an early (1922) Hitler backer and Edsel Ford continued the family tradition in
1942 by encouraging French Ford to profit from arming the German Wehrmacht,
Subsequently, these Ford-produced vehicles were used against American soldiers
as they landed in France in 1944. For his early recognition of, and timely
assistance to, the Nazis, Henry Ford received a Nazi medal in 1938. The records
of French Ford suggest Ford Motor received kid glove treatment from the Nazis
after 1940.
The provable
threads of Hitler financing are drawn together in Chapter Seven and answer with
precise names and figures the question, who financed Adolf Hitler? This chapter
indicts Wall Street and, incidentally, no one else of consequence in the United
States except the Ford family. The Ford family is not normally associated with
Wall Street but is certainly a part of the "power elite."
In earlier
chapters we cited several Roosevelt associates, including Teagle of Standard
Oil, the Warburg family, and Gerard Swope. In Chapter Eight the role of Putzi
Hanfstaengl, another Roosevelt friend and a participant in the Reichstag fire,
is traced. The composition of the Nazi inner circle during World War II, and
the financial contributions of Standard Oil of New Jersey and I.T.T.
subsidiaries, are traced in Chapter Nine. Documentary proof of these monetary
contributions is presented. Kurt von Schroder is identified as the key intermediary
in this S.S. "slush fund."
Finally, in
Chapter Ten we reviewed a book suppressed in 1934 and the "myth of 'Sidney
Warburg.'" The suppressed book accused the Rockefellers, the Warburgs, and
the major oil companies of financing Hitler. While the name "Sidney
Warburg" was no doubt an invention, the extraordinary fact remains that
the argument in the suppressed "Sidney Warburg" book is remarkably
close to the evidence presented now. It also remains a puzzle why James Paul
Warburg, fifteen years later, would want to attempt, in a rather transparently
slipshod manner, to refute the contents of the "Warburg" book, a book
he claims not to have seen. It is perhaps even more of a puzzle why Warburg
would choose Nazi von Papen's Memoirs as
the vehicle to present his refutation.
Finally, in
Chapter Eleven we examined the roles of the Morgan and Chase Banks in World War
II, specifically their collaboration with the Nazis in France while a major war
was raging.
In other words,
as in our two previous examinations of the links between New York international
bankers and major historical events, we find a provable pattern of subsidy and
political manipulation.
Looking at the
broad array of facts presented in the three volumes of the Wall Street series,
we find persistent recurrence of the same names: Owen Young, Gerard Swope,
Hjalmar Schacht, Bernard Baruch, etc.; the
same international banks: J.P. Morgan, Guaranty Trust, Chase Bank; and the same
location in New York: usually 120 Broadway.
This group of
international bankers backed the Bolshevik Revolution and subsequently profited
from the establishment of a Soviet Russia. This group backed Roosevelt and
profited from New Deal socialism. This group also backed Hitler and certainly
profited from German armament in the 1930s. When Big Business should have been
running its business operations at Ford Motor, Standard of New Jersey, and so
on, we find it actively and deeply involved in political upheavals, war, and
revolutions in three major countries.
The version of
history presented here is that the financial elite knowingly and with
premeditation assisted the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 in concert with German
bankers. After profiting handsomely from the German hyper-inflationary distress
of 1923, and planning to place the German reparations burden onto the backs of
American investors, Wall Street found it had brought about the 1929 financial
crisis.
Two men were
then backed as leaders for major Western countries: Franklin D. Roosevelt in
the United States and Adolf Hitler in Germany. The Roosevelt New Deal and
Hitler's Four Year Plan had great similarities. The Roosevelt and Hitler plans
were plans for fascist takeovers of their respective countries. While
Roosevelt's NRA failed, due to then-operating constitutional constraints,
Hitler's Plan succeeded.
Why did the
Wall Street elite, the international bankers, want Roosevelt and Hitler in
power? This is an aspect we have not explored. According to the "myth of
'Sidney Warburg,'" Wall Street wanted a policy of revenge; that is, it
wanted war in Europe between France and Germany. We know even from
Establishment history that both Hitler and Roosevelt acted out policies leading
to war.
The link-ups
between persons and events in this three-book series would require another
book. But a single example will perhaps indicate the remarkable concentration
of power within a relatively few organizations, and the use of this power.
On May 1st,
1918, when the Bolsheviks controlled only a small fraction of Russia (and were
to come near to losing even that fraction in the summer of 1918), the American
League to Aid and Cooperate with Russia was organized in Washington, D.C. to
support the Bolsheviks. This was not a "Hands off Russia" type of
committee formed by the Communist Party U.S.A. or its allies. It was a
committee created by Wall Street with
George P. Whalen of Vacuum Oil Company as Treasurer and Coffin and Oudin of
General Electric, along with Thompson of the Federal Reserve System, Willard of
the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, and assorted socialists.
When we look at
the rise of Hitler and Nazism we find Vacuum Oil and General Electric well
represented. Ambassador Dodd in Germany was struck by the monetary and
technical contribution by the Rockefeller-controlled Vacuum Oil Company in
building up military gasoline facilities for the Nazis. The Ambassador tried to
warn Roosevelt. Dodd believed, in his apparent naiveté of world affairs, that
Roosevelt would intervene, but Roosevelt himself was backed by these same oil
interests and Walter Teagle of Standard Oil of New Jersey and the NRA was on
the board of Roosevelt's Warm Springs Foundation. So, in but one of many
examples, we find the Rockefeller-controlled Vacuum Oil Company prominently
assisting in the creation of Bolshevik Russia, the military build-up of Nazi
Germany, and backing Roosevelt's New Deal.
Within the last
decade or so, certainly since the 1960s, a steady flow of literature has presented
a thesis that the United States is ruled by a self-perpetuating and unelected
power elite. Even further, most of these books aver that this elite controls,
or at the least heavily influences, all foreign and domestic policy decisions,
and that no idea becomes respectable or is published in the United States
without the tacit approval, or perhaps lack of disapproval, of this elitist
circle.
Obviously the
very flow of anti-establishment literature by itself testifies that the United
States cannot be wholly under the thumb of any single group or elite. On the
other hand, anti-establishment literature is not fully recognized or reasonably
discussed in academic or media circles. More often than not it consists of a
limited edition, privately produced, almost hand-to-hand circulated. There are some exceptions, true; but not enough to
dispute the observation that anti-establishment critics do not easily enter
normal information/distribution channels.
Whereas in the
early and mid-1960s, any concept of rule by a conspiratorial elite, or indeed
any kind of elite, was reason enough to dismiss the proponent out of hand as a
"nut case," the atmosphere for such concepts has changed radically.
The Watergate affair probably added the final touches to a long-developing environment
of skepticism and doubt. We are almost at the point where anyone who accepts,
for example, the Warren Commission report, or believes that that the decline
and fall of Mr. Nixon did not have some conspiratorial aspects, is suspect. In
brief, no one any longer really believes the Establishment information process.
And there is a wide variety of alternative presentations of events now
available for the curious.
Several hundred
books, from the full range of the political and philosophical spectrum, add
bits and pieces of evidence, more hypotheses, and more accusations. What was
not too long ago a kooky idea, talked about at midnight behind closed doors, in
hushed and almost conspiratorial whispers, is now openly debated — not, to be
sure, in Establishment newspapers but certainly on non-network radio talk
shows, the underground press, and even from time to time in books from
respectable Establishment publishing houses.
So let us ask
the question again: Is there an unselected power elite behind the U.S.
Government?
A substantive
and often-cited source of information is Carroll Quigley, Professor of
International Relations at Georgetown University, who in 1966 had published a
monumental modern history entitled Tragedy
and Hope.1
Quigley's book is apart from others in this revisionist vein, by virtue of the
fact that it was based on a two-year study of the internal documents of one of
the power centers. Quigley traces the history of the power elite:
... the powers
of financial capitalism had another far reaching aim, nothing less than to
create a world system of financial control in private hands able to dominate
the political system of each country and the economy of the world as a whole.
Quigley also
demonstrates that the Council on Foreign Relations, the National Planning
Association, and other groups are "semi-secret" policy-making bodies
under the control of this power elite.
In the
following tabular presentation we have listed five such revisionist books,
including Quigley's. Their essential theses and compatibility with the three
volumes of the "Wall Street" series are summarized. It is surprising
that in the three major historical events noted, Carroll Quigley is not at all
consistent with the "Wall Street" series evidence. Quigley goes a
long way to provide evidence for the existence
of the power elite, but does not penetrate the operations of the elite.
Possibly, the
papers used by Quigley had been vetted, and did not include documentation on
elitist manipulation of such events as the Bolshevik Revolution, Hitler's
accession to power, and the election of Roosevelt in 1933. More likely, these
political manipulations may not be recorded at all in the files of the power
groups. They may have been unrecorded actions by a small ad hoc segment of the elite. It is noteworthy that the documents
used by this author came from government sources, recording the day-to-day
actions of Trotsky, Lenin, Roosevelt, Hitler, J.P. Morgan and the various firms
and banks involved.
On the other
hand, such authors as Jules Archer, Gary Allen, Helen P. Lasell, and William
Domhoff, writing from widely different political standpoints2 are consistent with the "Wall
Street" evidence. These writers present a hypothesis of a power elite
manipulating the U.S. Government. The "Wall Street" series
demonstrates how this hypothesized "power elite" has manipulated
specific historical events.
Obviously any
such exercise of unconstrained and supra-legal power is unconstitutional, even
though wrapped in the fabric of law-abiding actions. We can therefore
legitimately raise the question of the existence of a subversive force
operating to remove constitutionally guaranteed rights.
Twentieth-century
history, as recorded in Establishment textbooks and journals, is inaccurate. It
is a history which is based solely upon those official documents which various
Administrations have seen fit to release for public consumption.
But an accurate
history cannot be based on a selective release of documentary archives.
Accuracy requires access to all documents. In practice, as previously
classified documents in the U.S. State Department files, the British Foreign
Office, and the German Foreign Ministry archives and other depositories are
acquired, a new version of history has emerged; the prevailing Establishment
version is seen to be, not only inaccurate, but designed to hide a pervasive
fabric of deceit and immoral conduct.
The center of
political power, as authorized by the U.S. Constitution, is with an elected
Congress and an elected President, working within the framework and under the
constraints of a Constitution, as interpreted by an unbiased Supreme Court. We
have in the past assumed that
political power is consequently carefully exercised by the Executive and
legislative branch, after due deliberation and assessment of the wishes of the
electorate. In fact, nothing could be further from this assumption. The
electorate has long suspected, but now knows, that political promises are worth
nothing. Lies are the order of the day for policy implementers. Wars are
started (and stopped) with no shred of coherent explanation. Political words
have never matched political deeds. Why not? Apparently because the center of
political power has been elsewhere than with elected and presumably responsive
representatives in Washington, and this power elite has its own objectives,
which are inconsistent with those of the public at large.
In this
three-volume series we have identified for three historical events the seat of
political power in the United States — the power behind the scenes, the hidden
influence on Washington — as that of the financial establishment in New York:
the private international bankers, more specifically the financial houses of
J.P. Morgan, the Rockefeller-controlled Chase Manhattan Bank, and in earlier
days (before amalgamation of their Manhattan Bank with the former Chase Bank),
the Warburgs.
The United
States has, in spite of the Constitution and its supposed constraints, become a
quasi-totalitarian state. While we do not (yet) have. the overt trappings of
dictatorship, the concentration camps and the knock on the door at midnight, we
most certainly do have threats and actions aimed at the survival of
non-Establishment critics, use of the Internal Revenue Service to bring
dissidents in line, and manipulation of the Constitution by a court system that
is politically subservient to the Establishment.
It is in the
pecuniary interests of the international bankers to centralize political power
— and this centralization can best be achieved within a collectivist society,
such as socialist Russia, national socialist Germany, or a Fabian socialist
United States.
There can be no
full understanding and appreciation of twentieth-century American politics and
foreign policy without the realization that this financial elite effectively
monopolizes Washington policy.
In case after
case, newly released documentation implicates this elite and confirms this
hypothesis. The revisionist versions of the entry of the United States into
World Wars I and II, Korea, and Vietnam reveal the influence and objectives of
this elite.
For most of the
twentieth century the Federal Reserve System, particularly the Federal Reserve
Bank of New York (which is outside the control of Congress, unaudited and
uncontrolled, with the power to print money and create credit at will), has
exercised a virtual monopoly over the direction of the American economy. In
foreign affairs the Council on Foreign Relations, superficially an innocent
forum for academics, businessmen, and politicians, contains within its shell,
perhaps unknown to many of its members, a power center that unilaterally
determines U.S. foreign policy. The major objective of this submerged — and
obviously subversive — foreign. policy is the acquisition of markets and
economic power (profits, if you
will), for a small group of giant multi-nationals under the virtual control of
a few banking investment houses and controlling families.
Through
foundations controlled by this elite, research by compliant and spineless
academics, "conservatives" as well as "liberals," has been
directed into channels useful for the objectives of the elite essentially to
maintain this subversive and unconstitutional power apparatus.
Through
publishing houses controlled by this same financial elite unwelcome books have
been squashed and useful books promoted; fortunately publishing has few
barriers to entry and is almost atomistically competitive. Through control of a
dozen or so major newspapers, run by editors who think alike, public
information can be almost orchestrated at will. Yesterday, the space program;
today, an energy crisis or a campaign for ecology; tomorrow, a war in the
Middle East or some other manufactured "crisis."
The total
result of this manipulation of society by the Establishment elite has been four
major wars in sixty years, a crippling national debt, abandonment of the
Constitution, suppression of freedom and opportunity, and creation of a vast
credibility gulf between the man in the street and Washington, D.C. While the
transparent device of two major parties trumpeting artificial differences,
circus-like conventions, and the cliche of "bipartisan foreign
policy" no longer carries credibility, and the financial elite itself
recognizes that its policies lack public acceptance, it is obviously prepared
to go it alone without even nominal public support.
In brief, we
now have to consider and debate whether this New York-based elitist
Establishment is a subversive force operating with deliberation and knowledge
to suppress the Constitution and a free society. That will be the task ahead in
the next decade.
The arena for
this debate and the basis for our charges of subversion is the evidence
provided by the revisionist historian. Slowly, over decades, book by book,
almost line by line, the truth of recent history has emerged as documents are
released, probed, analyzed, and set within a more valid historical framework.
Let us consider
a few examples. American entry into World War II was supposedly precipitated,
according to the Establishment version, by the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor.
Revisionists have established that Franklin D. Roosevelt and General Marshall knew of the impending Japanese attack
and did nothing to warn the Pearl Harbor military authorities. The
Establishment wanted war with Japan. Subsequently, the Establishment made
certain that Congressional investigation of Pearl Harbor would fit the Roosevelt
whitewash. In the words of Percy Greaves, chief research expert for the
Republican minority on the Joint Congressional Committee investigating Pearl
Harbor:
The complete
facts will never be known. Most of the so-called investigations have been attempts
to suppress, mislead, or confuse those who seek the truth. From the beginning
to the end, facts and files have been withheld so as to reveal only those items
of information which benefit the administration under investigation. Those
seeking the truth are told that other facts or documents cannot be revealed
because they are intermingled in personal diaries, pertain to our relations
with foreign countries, or are sworn to contain no information of value.3
But this was
not the first attempt to bring the United States into war, or the last. The
Morgan interests, in concert with Winston Churchill, tried to bring the U.S.
into World War I as early as 1915 and succeeded in doing so in 1917. Colin
Thompson's Lusitania implicates
President Woodrow Wilson in the sinking of the Lusitania — a horror device to generate a public backlash to draw
the United States into war with Germany. Thompson demonstrates that Woodrow
Wilson knew four darts beforehand that
the Lusitania was carrying
six-million rounds of ammunition plus explosives, and therefore,
"passengers who proposed to sail on that vessel were sailing in violation
of statute of this country."4
The British
Board of Inquiry under Lord Mersey was instructed
by the British Government "that it is considered politically expedient
that Captain Turner, the master of the Lusitania,
be most prominently blamed for the disaster."
In retrospect,
given Colin Thompson's evidence, the blame is more fairly to be attributed to
President Wilson, "Colonel" House, J.P. Morgan, and Winston
Churchill; this conspiratorial elite should have been brought to trial for
willful negligence, if not treason. It is to Lord Mersey's eternal credit that
after performing his "duty" under instructions from His Majesty's
government, and placing the blame on Captain Turner, he resigned, rejected his
fee, and from that date on refused to handle British government commissions. To
his friends Lord Mersey would only say about the Lusitania case that it was a "dirty business."
Then in 1933-4
came the attempt by the Morgan firm to install a fascist dictatorship in the
United States. In the words of Jules Archer, it was planned to be a Fascist putsch to take over the government and "run it under a dictator on behalf
of America's bankers and industrialists."5 Again, a
single courageous individual emerged — General Smedley Darlington Butler, who
blew the whistle on the Wall Street conspiracy. And once again Congress stands
out, particularly Congressmen Dickstein and MacCormack, by its gutless refusal
to do no more than conduct a token whitewash investigation.
Since World War
II we have seen the Korean War and the Vietnamese War — meaningless, meandering
no-win wars costly in dollars and lives, with no other major purpose but to
generate multibillion-dollar armaments contracts. Certainly these wars were not
fought to restrain communism, because for fifty years the Establishment has
been nurturing and subsidizing the Soviet Union which supplied armaments to the
other sides in both wars — Korea and Vietnam. So our revisionist history will
show that the United States directly or indirectly armed both sides in at least
Korea and Vietnam.
In the
assassination of President Kennedy, to take a domestic example, it is difficult
to find anyone who today accepts the findings of the Warren Commission — except
perhaps the members of that Commission. Yet key evidence is still hidden from
public eyes for 50 to 75 years. The Watergate affair demonstrated even to the
man in the street that the White House can be a vicious nest of intrigue and
deception.
Of all recent
history the story of Operation Keelhaul6 is perhaps
the most disgusting. Operation Keelhaul was the forced repatriation of millions
of Russians at the orders of President (then General) Dwight D. Eisenhower, in
direct violation of the Geneva Convention of 1929 and the long-standing
American tradition of political refuge. Operation Keelhaul, which contravenes
all our ideas of elementary decency and individual freedom, was undertaken at
the direct orders of General Eisenhower and, we may now presume, was a part of
a long-range program of nurturing collectivism, whether it be Soviet communism'
Hitler's Nazism, or FDR's New Deal. Yet until recent publication of documentary
evidence by Julius Epstein, anyone who dared to suggest Eisenhower would betray
millions of innocent individuals for political purposes was viciously and
mercilessly attacked.7
What this
revisionist history really teaches us is that our willingness as individual
citizens to surrender political power to an elite has cost the world
approximately two-hundred-million persons killed from 1820 to 1975. Add to that
untold misery the concentration camps, the political prisoners, the suppression
and oppression of those who try to bring the truth to light.
When will it
all stop? It will not stop until we act upon one simple axiom: that the power
system continues only so long as individuals
want it to continue, and it will continue only so long as individuals try to get something for
nothing. The day when a majority of individuals declares or acts as if it wants
nothing from government, declares it will look after its own welfare and
interests, then on that day power
elites are doomed. The attraction to "go
along" with power elites is the attraction of something for nothing.
That is the bait. The Establishment always offers something for nothing; but
the something is taken from someone else, as taxes or plunder, and awarded
elsewhere in exchange for political support.
Periodic crises
and wars are used to whip up support for other plunder-reward cycles which in
effect tighten the noose around our individual liberties. And of course we have
hordes of academic sponges, amoral businessmen, and just plain hangers-on, to
act as non-productive recipients for the plunder.
Stop the circle
of plunder and immoral reward and elitist structures collapse. But not until a
majority finds the moral courage and the internal fortitude to reject the
something-for-nothing con game and replace it by voluntary associations,
voluntary communes, or local rule and decentralized societies, will the killing
and the plunder cease.
Footnotes:
1Carroll Quigley,
Tragedy and Hope, op. cit.
2There are many
others; the author selected more or less at random two conservatives (Allen and
Lasell) and two liberals (Archer and Domhoff),
3Percy L. Greaves,
Jr., "The Pearl Harbor Investigation," in Harry Elmer Harnes, Perpetual War for Perpetual Peace, (Caldwell:
Caxton Printers, 1953), p, 13-20.
4Colin Simpson, Lusitania, (London: Longman, 1972), p,
252.
5Jules Archer, The Plot to Seize the White House, (New
York: Hawthorn Book, 1973), p. 202.
6See Julius
Epstein, Operation Keelhaul, (Old
Greenwich: Devin Adair, 1973).
7See for example
Robert Welch, The Politician, (Belmont,
Mass.: Belmont Publishing Co., 1963).
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