212. A Quality Education: The Underground History of American Education
by John Taylor Gatto from archive.org
A
Quality Education
The mantra of "a quality education," was an
invention of the real-estate industry in the first decade after the end of WWII, or at least that
business was the chief distributor of
the deceptively destructive notion. The cry of quality education became
the spearhead of a bold and complex
scheme to increase the supply of real-estate product-by dissolving the small-farm belts which
surrounded
cities in those days and converting the farm fields into housing plots. The U.S. government was a major partner
in this undertaking, which serves
as a useful illustration of how byzantine a reality schooling at the hands of
a political state must always be.
Government had its own motives, as you'll soon see.
The partnership came about in this
fashion. Long before the war's end-during the Teddy Rossevelt administration, in fact, as closely as I can
figure-a seldom spoken of policy
idea had taken root which directed the U.S. government to create a
centralization of the national
food supply as a tool of efficient political management. Since Prussia's
social- class system was not
available to organize this process, it would be done through successively corporatizing American
agriculture, with strong government assistance through legislation, subsidies, selective purchasing, and
indirect advocacy. The small farm
family and its children were too formidable an obstacle to efficient governance
to be allowed to continue in their
independent ways unchecked.
The mechanism hit upon to terminate
wholesale the little farms was a series of fantastically accelerated school tax increases whose
collective effort over time could not
be borne by farmers operating only slightly above the subsistence level.
Popular support for these taxes
among non-farmers was achieved by a long-term propaganda campaign which radically redefined good
education to include football stadiums with lights, band uniforms, huge cafeterias, bus systems
large enough to meet the needs of a small city though used only a couple hours a day, costly standardized
testing, and many similar
additions which once would surely have appalled ordinary citizens with
both their high cost-and bizarre
irrelevance.
Yet, in an Alice-in-Wonderland twist,
high cost was the very point: without high cost there would be no need for new taxes; without taxes no
leverage to force small farms onto
the housing market, and more importantly, no augmentation of institutional schooling's ability to serve the
purposes of social engineering.
Between 1945 and 1965 school taxes had
risen only 12 percent nationally, on average, but over the next ten years they more than doubled, and
between 1977 and 1993 they tripled
from this new high-altitude base! This six-fold increase over three short
decades broke small farmers in
large numbers, dumping more than a million small farms onto the housing market. Although completely
unheard of in the well-mannered and well-
controlled journalistic "debate" about public schooling, this
adventure in commanding a society
and an economy was a decisive turning point in the strange career of
post-WWII public education. For
years it was unheard of to think of a school board without at least one member representing real estate
interests, usually the loudest voice demanding "quality education".
The rootless people who accumulated on
this once productive farmland offered little resistance to further centralization of school governance,
although the farmers they replaced
surely would have. As commuters, what interested them most was that
schools become places of feeding,
recreation, socialization, health care, and life counseling for their children. It was the Prussian
formula reborn in late twentieth century America, a formula which allowed displacement of social management into
the right hands. Thus is
institutional schooling always more than it seems.
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