When it comes to existing discourse
on efforts to counter radicalization and the subsequent extremism that
arises, it appears that Western policymakers and media outlets want to
address everything but the actual long-term causes. The elephant in the
room being Gulf States (namely Saudi Arabia and Qatar) whose state
institutions have acted as an ideological incubator for extremist
sentiment to flourish both domestically and abroad.
It is rarely talked about in a sensible
way since the Saudis continue to hire a spree of U.S. lobbyists and PR
experts, one of which is the PR powerhouse Edelman. The largest
privately owned PR agency in the world, Edelman is known for helping
clients with favorable media coverage on mainstream outlets. Meanwhile, a
Saudi-led coalition is continuing to bomb the poorest country in the
Middle East (Yemen), violating international law in the process, which
like many of their activities has Western approval due to lucrative arms
deals, in turn, affording Gulf states impunity for any of their
actions. This explains the notable media blackout and minimal coverage
on events in Yemen across Western media outlets.
If you look at the relationship
extremist movements have with these countries, you find they will employ
various discrete or indirect methods of both financing and arming. A
prime example being Al-Qaeda’s affiliate in Syria — Jabhat Al-Nusra. GCC
states along with NATO member Turkey have effectively armed them
through the guise of arming a so-called moderate coalition ‘Jaysh
al-Fatah,’ which itself is already comprised of hardline Sunni Islamist
groups such as Ahrar al-Sham.
Qatar in particular, are known to
finance such groups by way of paying ransoms; acting as a mediator in
hostage situations. The most recent example being in Arsal, Lebanon,
where Qatar mediated on a prisoner exchange deal for the release of
Lebanese soldiers held captive by the group. Using this method enables
them to deflect any charges of culpability for financing what are
effectively al-Qaeda insurgents.
In modern times, much of the extremism
we witness today can be traced back to the U.S. and Saudi backing in the
1980s when they built up the Afghan Mujahideen to battle the Soviets;
who we come to know today as the Taliban. It just goes to show how such
policies of arming the ‘moderate Islamist’ has come back around to bite
the U.S., having to invest in conflicts just to get rid of a problem
they themselves aided and abetted in creating. We see a similar process
taking place in Syria today.
As part of this process, the Saudis
would go on to utilize their petrodollars in order to finance and build
fanatical religious schools. In the Punjab region alone, (which today
witnesses extremism on a regular basis) has seen Salafi madrassas (or
religious seminaries) increase threefold over the last few decades. This
links back to a more recent case with the San Bernadino shooting, as
U.S. officials found links between the infamous Lal Masjid in Islamabad
and the woman [Tashfeen Malik] who took part in the ISIS-inspired
massacre. This mosque is notorious for its links to past extremism and
its leader (Maulana Abdul Aziz) who has gained a reputation in Pakistan
for his hateful rhetoric. In the past, he has expressed support for
ISIS, named a library after Osama Bin Laden and refused to condemn a
massacre of schoolchildren in Rawalpindi (much to the dismay even of
many of his own followers).
In light of both the San Bernadino
shooting and the Paris attacks, it is almost inevitable that despite
concerted efforts by intelligence services, terrorist attacks will only
become more frequent on Western soil. What remains to be seen, however,
is whether Western governments will ever re-evaluate their stance with
their allies in the Middle East; if they continue to grant them
impunity, this means that any efforts to seriously tackle extremism are
all but disingenuous, but it will be civilians who will continue to pay
the price for governments which remain in denial as to the ideological
roots of extremism.
Hasan Hafidh is
working on his Ph.D. at the University of Leeds in comparative politics
of the Middle East focusing on civil society networks and sectarianism
in Gulf States.
The original source of this article is Counterpunch
Copyright © Hasan Hafidh, Counterpunch, 2015
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