79.The
Parens Patriae Powers: The Underground History of American Education by John
Taylor Gatto from archive.org
The
Parens Patriae Powers
The 1852 compulsory schooling legislation
of Massachusetts represents a fundamental
change in the jurisprudence of parental authority, as had the adoption
act passed by the nearly identically
constituted legislature just four years prior, the first formal adoption legislation anywhere on earth since the days
of the Roman Empire. Acts so radical could
not have passed silently into practice if fundamental changes in the
status of husbands and wives, parents
and children, had not already gravely damaged the prestige of the family unit.
There are clear signs as far back as 1796
that elements in the new American state
intended to interpose themselves in corners of the family where no
European state had ever gone before. In
that year, the Connecticut Superior Court, representing the purest Puritan lineage of original New England,
introduced "judicial discretion" into the common law of child custody and a new
conception of youthful welfare hardly seen
before outside the pages of philosophy books — the notion that each
child had an individual destiny, a
private "welfare" independent of what happened to the rest of
its family.
A
concept called "psychological parenthood" began to take shape, a
radical notion without legal precedent
that would be used down the road to support drastic forcible intervention into family life. It became one
of the basic justifications offered during the
period of mass immigration for a compulsion law intended to put children
under the thrall of so-called scientific
parenting in schools.
Judicial discretion in custody cases was
the first salvo in a barrage of poorly understood court rulings in which American courts made
law rather than interpreted it. These rulings
were formalized later by elected legislatures. Rubber-stamping the fait
accompli, they marked a restructuring of
the framework of the family ordered by a judicial body without any public debate or consent. No precedent
for such aggressive court action existed in
English law. The concept lived only in the dreams and speculations of
Utopian writers and philosophers.
The 1840 case Mercein v. People produced a
stunning opinion by Connecticut's Justice
Paige — a strain of radical strong-state faith straight out of
Hegel:
The moment a child is born it owes
allegiance to the government of the country of its birth, and is entitled to the protection of
the government.
As the opinion unrolled, Paige further
explained "with the coming of civil society the father's sovereign power passed to the chief
or government of the nation." A part of this power was then transferred back to both
parents for the convenience of the State. But
their guardianship was limited to the legal duty of maintenance and
education, while absolute sovereignty
remained with the State.
Not
since John Cotton, teacher of the Boston church in the early Puritan period,
had such a position been publicly
asserted. Cotton, in renouncing Roger Williams, insisted on the absolute authority of magistrates in civil
and religious affairs, the quintessential Anglican position. In later life he even came to
uphold the power of judges over conscience and
was willing to grant powers of life and death to authorities to bring
about conformity. Thus did the Puritan
rebellion rot from within.
A
few years after the Paige ruling, American courts received a second
radical authorization to intervene in
family matters, "the best interest of the child" test. In 1847, Judge Oakley of New York City Superior Court
staked a claim that such power "is not
unregulated or arbitrary" but is "governed, as far as the case
will admit, by fixed rules and
principles." When such fixed rules and principles were not to be
found, it caused no problem either, for
it was only another matter subject to court discretion.
In the fifty- four- year period separating
the Massachusetts compulsion school
law/adoption law and the founding of Children's Court at the beginning
of the twentieth century in Chicago, the
meaning of these decisions became increasingly clear. With opposition from the family-centered societies
of the tidewater and hill-country South
diminished by civil war, the American state assumed the parens patriae
powers of old- time absolute kings, the
notion of the political state as the primary father. And there were signs it intended to use those powers to synthesize
the type of scientific family it wanted,
for the society it wanted. To usher in the future it wanted.
The
Plan Advances
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