8. Author's Note: The Underground History of American Education by John
Taylor Gatto from archive.org
Author's
Note
With conspiracy so close to the surface of the
American imagination and American
reality, I can only approach with trepidation the task of discouraging
you in advance from thinking my book the
chronicle of some vast diabolical conspiracy to seize all our children for the personal ends of a small,
elite
minority.
Don't get me wrong, American schooling has
been replete with chicanery from its very
beginnings.* Indeed, it isn't difficult to find various
conspirators boasting in public about what they
pulled off. But if you take that tack you'll miss the real horror of
what I'm trying to describe, that what
has happened to our schools was inherent in the original design for a planned economy and a planned society laid
down so proudly at the end of the nineteenth
century. I think what happened would have happened anyway — without the
legions of venal, half-mad men and women
who schemed so hard to make it as it is. If I'm correct, we're in a much worse position than we would
be if we were merely victims of an evil
genius or two.
If you obsess about conspiracy, what
you'll fail to see is that we are held fast by a form of highly abstract thinking fully concretized in
human institutions which has grown beyond
the power of the managers of these institutions to control. If there is
a way out of the trap we're in, it won't
be by removing some bad guys and replacing them with good guys.
Who are the villains, really, but
ourselves? People can change, but systems cannot without losing their structural integrity.
Even Henry Ford, a Jew-baiter of such colossal
proportions he was lionized by Adolf Hitler in Mein Kampf, made a public
apology and denied to his death he had
ever intended to hurt Jews — a too strict interpretation of Darwin made him do it! The great
industrialists who gave us modern compulsion
schooling inevitably found their own principles subordinated to
systems-purposes, just as happened to
the rest of us.
Take Andrew Carnegie, the bobbin boy, who
would certainly have been as appalled as
the rest of us at the order to fire on strikers at his Homestead plant.
But the system he helped to create was
committed to pushing men until they reacted violently or dropped dead. It was called "the Iron Law of
Wages." Once his colleagues were interested in the principles of the Iron Law, they could only
see the courage and defiance of the
Homestead strikers as an opportunity to provoke a crisis which would
allow the steel union to be broken with
state militia and public funds. Crushing opposition is the obligatory scene in the industrial drama,
whatever it takes, and no matter how much
individual industrial leaders like Carnegie might be reluctant to do
so.
My worry was about finding a prominent
ally to help me present this idea that inhuman
anthropology is what we confront in our institutional schools, not
conspiracy. The hunt paid off with the
discovery of an analysis of the Ludlow Massacre by Walter Lippmann in the New Republic of January 30, 1915.
Following the Rockefeller slaughter of up to
forty-seven, mostly women and children, in the tent camp of striking
miners at Ludlow, Colorado, a
congressional investigation was held which put John D. Rockefeller Jr. on the defensive. Rockefeller agents had
employed armored cars, machine guns, and fire
bombs in his name. As Lippmann tells it, Rockefeller was charged with
having the only authority to authorize
such a massacre, but also with too much indifference to what his underlings were up to. "Clearly,"
said the industrial magnate, "both cannot be true."
As
Lippmann recognized, this paradox is the worm at the core of all colossal
power. Both indeed could be true. For
ten years Rockefeller hadn't even seen this property; what he knew of it came in reports from his managers
he scarcely could have read along with
mountains of similar reports coming to his desk each day. He was
compelled to rely on the word of others.
Drawing an analogy between Rockefeller and the czar of Russia, Lippmann wrote that nobody believed the czar
himself performed the many despotic acts
he was accused of; everyone knew a bureaucracy did so in his name. But
most failed to push that knowledge to
its inevitable conclusion: If the czar tried to change what was customary he would be undermined by his
subordinates. He had no defense against this
happening because it was in the best interests of all the divisions of
the bureaucracy, including the army,
that it — not the czar — continue to be in charge of things. The czar was a prisoner of his own subjects. In
Lippmann 's words:
This seemed to be the predicament of
Mr. Rockefeller. I should not believe he
personally hired thugs or wanted them
hired. It seems far more true to say
that his impersonal and half-understood power
has delegated itself into unsocial forms, that it has assumed a life of its own which he is
almost powerless to control.... His
intellectual helplessness was the
amazing part of his testimony. Here was a
man who represented wealth probably without parallel in history, the successor to a
father who has, with justice, been
called the high priest of capitalism....
Yet he talked about himself on the
commonplace moral assumptions of a small
businessman.
The Rockefeller Foundation has been
instrumental through the century just passed (along with a few others) in giving us the schools
we have. It imported the German research
model into college life, elevated service to business and government as
the goal of higher education, not
teaching. And Rockefeller- financed University of Chicago and Columbia Teachers College have been among the most
energetic actors in the lower school tragedy.
There is more, too, but none of it means the Rockefeller family
"masterminded" the school
institution, or even that his foundation or his colleges did. All became in
time submerged in the system they did
so much to create, almost helpless to slow its
momentum even had they so desired.
Despite its title, Underground History
isn't a history proper, but a collection of materials toward a history, embedded in a personal
essay analyzing why mass compulsion
schooling is unreformable. The history I have unearthed is important to
our understanding; it's a good start, I
believe, but much remains undone. The burden of an essay is to reveal its author so candidly and
thoroughly that the reader comes fully awake.
You are about to spend twenty- five to thirty hours with the mind of a
schoolteacher, but the relationship we
should have isn't one of teacher to pupil but rather that of two people in conversation. I'll offer ideas and a
theory to explain things and you bring your own
experience to bear on the matters, supplementing and arguing where
necessary. Read with this goal before
you and I promise your money's worth. It isn't important whether we agree on every detail.
A brief word on sources. I've identified
all quotations and paraphrases and given the
origin of many (not all) individual facts, but for fear the forest be
lost in contemplation of too many trees,
I've avoided extensive footnoting. So much here is my personal take on things that it seemed dishonest to grab you
by the lapels that way: of minor value to those
who already resonate on the wavelength of the book, useless, even
maddening, to those who do not.
This is a workshop of solutions as well as
an attempt to frame the problem clearly, but be
warned: they are perversely sprinkled around like raisins in a pudding,
nowhere grouped neatly as if to help you
study for a test — except for a short list at the very end. The advice there is practical, but strictly limited to
the world of compulsion schooling as it currently exists, not to the greater goal of
understanding how education occurs or is prevented. The best advice in this book is scattered
throughout and indirect, you'll have to work to
extract it. It begins with the very first sentence of the book where I
remind you that what is right for
systems is often wrong for human beings. Translated into a recommendation, that means that to avoid the revenge of Bianca,
we must be prepared to insult systems for
the convenience of humanity, not the other way around. END
*For instance, for those of you who believe in testing, school
superintendents as a class are virtually the stupidest people to pass through a graduate college program, ranking fifty-one
points below the elementary school teachers they normally
"supervice," (on the Graduate Record
Examination), abd about eighty points below secondary-school teachers,
while teachers themselves as an aggregate finish seventeenth of twenty occupational groups surveyed. The
reader is of course at liberty to believe this happened accidentally, or that
the moon is composed of blue, not green,
cheese as is popularly believed. It's also possible to take this anomaly as
conclusive evidence of the irrelevance of standardized testing. Your choice.
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