201. Serving The Imperial Virus: The Underground History of American
Education by John Taylor Gatto from archive.org
Serving
The Imperial Virus
Toynbee thought he could calculate Britain's
jeopardy if it allowed the masses dreams of
independence by a comparison with the Soviet Russia where revolutionary
dreaming once dictated social
arrangements:
In Marxian Communism we have a notorious
example in our midst of a modern Western
philosophy which changed in a lifetime quite out of recognition into a
proletarian religion, taking the path of
violence and carving its New Jerusalem with the sword on the plains of Russia.
The working-class proletariat conceived by
Toynbee is in a permanent childlike state, one
that requires constant management. Because of this ongoing necessity, a
second proletariat must be created,
"a special social class" which represents a professionalized proletariat, "often quite abruptly
and artificially" gathered by the national leadership to aid in managing the lumpish mass of ordinary
folk.
The
size this bureaucratic cohort will reach depends upon the circumstances which
call it into being. If the dominant
minority decides to wage war, for instance, a vast enlargement of noncoms and line officers will occur; if
it decides to concentrate public attention on
charitable benevolence, a mushrooming of social work positions will
ensue; if the public is to be kept
fearfully amused and titillated by the spectacle of crime and law enforcement, a new horde of police and
detectives will be trained and commissioned. The social management of public attention is a
vital aspect of modern states. To the extent
that schools, together with commercial entertainment, control an
important share of the imagination of
the young, they must be heavily involved in such a project. There is no possibility they can be allowed to opt out.
Social management of public attention through
schooling can be seen as very similar to management of public attention
by corporate advertising and by public
relations initiatives. Mass production demands psychological interventions intended to create wants that
otherwise wouldn't exist. Among its other
roles, school is an important agent of this initiative.
The
professional proletariats created to do this important task and others like it
can be seen, says Toynbee, to be "a
special class of liaison officer" between the governing minorities and the masses. This English way
of seeing middle classes clears some of the
fog away. Consider the real- life effect of an abstract rule of first
allegiance to management on those
schoolteachers who work too intimately with parents, or struggle in children's interests too resolutely —
inevitably they become marked for punishment. Good teachers from the human perspective are
natural system-wreckers. They don't fit
comfortably into a service class designed to assist governing elites to
manage. Their hearts aren't in it.
Toynbee is brutally candid about where loyal
pedagogues fit: "As the [imperial] virus
works deeper into the social life of the society which is in the process
of being permeated and assimilated, the
intelligentsia develops its most characteristic types: the schoolmaster... the civil servant... the
lawyer...."
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