Appendix I
DIRECTORS OF MAJOR BANKS,
FIRMS, AND INSTITUTIONS
MENTIONED IN THIS BOOK
(AS IN 1917-1918)
CHASE
NATIONAL BANK
|
|
J.
N. Hill
|
Newcomb
Carlton
|
A.
B. Hepburn
|
D.C.
Jackling
|
S.
H. Miller
|
E.R.
Tinker
|
C.
M. Schwab
|
A.H.
Wiggin
|
H.
Bendicott
|
John
J. Mitchell
|
Guy E.
Tripp
|
EQUITABLE
TRUST COMPANY (37-43 Wall Street)
|
|
Charles
B. Alexander
|
Henry
E. Huntington
|
Albert
B. Boardman
|
Edward
T. Jeffrey
|
Robert.C.
Clowry
|
Otto
H. Kahn
|
Howard
E. Cole
|
Alvin
W. Krech
|
Henry
E. Cooper
|
James
W. Lane
|
Paul
D. Cravath
|
Hunter
S. Marston
|
Franklin
Wm. Cutcheon
|
Charles
G. Meyer
|
Bertram
Cutler
|
George
Welwood Murray
|
Thomas
de Witt Cuyler
|
Henry
H. Pierce
|
Frederick
W. Fuller
|
Winslow
S. Pierce
|
Robert
Goelet
|
Lyman
Rhoades
|
Carl
R. Gray
|
Walter
C. Teagle
|
Charles
Hayden
|
Henry
Rogers Winthrop
|
Bertram
G. Work
|
FEDERAL
ADVISORY COUNCIL (1916)
|
Daniel
G. Wing, Boston, District No. 1
|
J.
P. Morgan, New York, District No. 2
|
Levi
L. Rue, Philadelphia, District No. 3
|
W.
S. Rowe, Cincinnati, District No. 4
|
J.
W. Norwood, Greenville, S.C., District No. 5
|
C.
A. Lyerly, Chattanooga, District No. 6
|
J.
B. Forgan, Chicago, Pres., District No. 7
|
Frank
O. Watts, St. Louis, District No. 8
|
C.
T. Jaffray, Minneapolis, District No. 9
|
E.
F. Swinney, Kansas City, District No. 10
|
T.
J. Record, Paris, District No. 11
|
Herbert
Fleishhacker, San Francisco, District No. 12
|
FEDERAL
RESERVE BANK OF NEW YORK (120 Broadway)
|
|
William
Woodward (1917)
|
Class A
|
Robert
H. Treman (1918)
|
|
Franklin
D. Locke (1919)
|
|
|
|
Charles
A. Stone (1920)
|
Class B
|
Wm.
B. Thompson (1918)
|
|
L.
R. Palmer (1919)
|
|
|
|
Pierre
Jay (1917)
|
Class C
|
George
F. Peabody (1919)
|
|
William
Lawrence Saunders (1920)
|
FEDERAL
RESERVE BOARD
|
|
William
G. M'Adoo
|
Adolph
C. Miller (1924)
|
Charles
S. Hamlin ( 1916)
|
Frederic
A. Delano (1920)
|
Paul
M. Warburg (1918)
|
W.P.G.
Harding (1922)
|
John
Skelton Williams
|
GUARANTY
TRUST COMPANY (140 Broadway)
|
|
Alexander
J. Hemphill (Chairman)
|
|
Charles
H. Allen
|
Edgar
L. Marston
|
A.
C. Bedford
|
Grayson
M-P Murphy
|
Edward
J. Berwind
|
Charles
A. Peabody
|
W.
Murray Crane
|
William
C. Potter
|
T.
de Witt Cuyler
|
John
S. Runnells
|
James
B. Duke
|
Thomas
F. Ryan
|
Caleb
C. Dula
|
Charles
H. Sabin
|
Robert
W. Goelet
|
John
W. Spoor
|
Daniel
Guggenheim
|
Albert
Straus
|
W.
Averell Harriman
|
Harry
P. Whitney
|
Albert
H. Harris
|
Thomas
E. Wilson
|
Walter
D. Hines
|
London
Committee:
|
Augustus
D. Julliard
|
Arthur
J. Fraser (Chairman)
|
Thomas
W. Lamont
|
Cecil
F. Parr
|
William
C. Lane
|
Robert
Callander
|
NATIONAL
CITY BANK
|
|
P.
A. S. Franklin
|
P.A.
Rockefeller
|
J.P.
Grace
|
James
Stillman
|
G.
H. Dodge
|
W.
Rockefeller
|
H.
A. C. Taylor
|
J.
O. Armour
|
R.
S. Lovett
|
J.W.
Sterling
|
F.
A. Vanderlip
|
J.A.
Stillman
|
G.
H. Miniken
|
M.T.
Pyne
|
E.
P. Swenson
|
E.D.
Bapst
|
Frank
Trumbull
|
J.H.
Post
|
Edgar
Palmer
|
W.C.
Procter
|
NATIONALBANK
FĂœR DEUTSCHLAND
|
|
(As
in 1914, Hjalmar Schacht joined board in 1918)
|
|
Emil
Wittenberg
|
Hans
Winterfeldt
|
Hjalmar
Schacht
|
Th
Marba
|
Martin
Schiff
|
Paul
Koch
|
Franz
Rintelen
|
SINCLAIR
CONSOLIDATED OIL CORPORATION (120 Broadway)
|
|
Harry
F. Sinclair
|
James
N. Wallace
|
H.
P. Whitney
|
Edward
H. Clark
|
Wm.
E. Corey
|
Daniel
C. Jackling
|
Wm.
B. Thompson
|
Albert
H. Wiggin
|
J.
G. WHITE ENGINEERING CORPORATION
|
|
James
Brown
|
C.E.
Bailey
|
Douglas
Campbell
|
J.G.
White
|
G.
C. Clark, Jr.
|
Gano
Dunn
|
Bayard
Dominick, Jr.
|
E.G.
Williams
|
A.
G. Hodenpyl
|
A.S.
Crane
|
T.
W. Lamont
|
H.A.
Lardner
|
Marion
McMillan
|
G.H.
Kinniat
|
J.
H. Pardee
|
A.F.
Kountz
|
G.
H. Walbridge
|
R.B.
Marchant
|
E.
N. Chilson
|
Henry
Parsons
|
A. N.
Connett
|
Appendix II
THE
JEWISH-CONSPIRACY THEORY OF THE BOLSHEVIK REVOLUTION
There is an extensive literature in English, French, and German reflecting the argument that the Bolshevik Revolution was the result of a "Jewish conspiracy"; more specifically, a conspiracy by Jewish world bankers. Generally, world control is seen as the ultimate objective; the Bolshevik Revolution was but one phase of a wider program that supposedly reflects an age-old religious struggle between Christianity and the "forces of darkness."
The argument and its variants can be found in the
most surprising places and from quite surprising persons. In February 1920
Winston Churchill wrote an article — rarely cited today — for the London Illustrated Sunday Herald entitled
"Zionism Versus
Bolshevism." In this' article Churchill concluded that it was
"particularly important... that the National Jews in every country who are
loyal to the land of their adoption should come forward on every occasion . . .
and take a prominent part in every measure for combatting the Bolshevik
conspiracy." Churchill draws a line between "national Jews" and
what he calls "international Jews." He argues that the
"international and for the most atheistical Jews" certainly had a
"very great" role in the creation of Bolshevism and bringing about the
Russian Revolution. He asserts (contrary to fact) that with the exception of
Lenin, "the majority" of the leading figures in the revolution were
Jewish, and adds (also contrary to fact) that in many cases Jewish interests
and Jewish places of worship were excepted by the Bolsheviks from their
policies of seizure. Churchill calls the international Jews a "sinister
confederacy" emergent from the persecuted populations of countries where
Jews have been persecuted on account of their race. Winston Churchill traces
this movement back to Spartacus-Weishaupt, throws his literary net around
Trotsky, Bela Kun, Rosa Luxemburg, and Emma Goldman, and charges: "This
world-wide conspiracy for the overthrow of civilisation and for the
reconstitution of society on the basis of arrested development, of envious
malevolence, and impossible equality, has been steadily growing."
Churchill then argues that this conspiratorial
Spartacus-Weishaupt group has been the mainspring of every subversive movement
in the nineteenth century. While pointing out that Zionism and Bolshevism are
competing for the soul of the Jewish people, Churchill (in 1920) was
preoccupied with the role of the Jew in the Bolshevik Revolution and the
existence of a worldwide Jewish conspiracy.
Another well-known author in the 1920s, Henry Wickham
Steed describes in the second volume of his Through
30 Years 1892-1922 (p. 302) how he attempted to bring the Jewish-conspiracy
concept to the attention of Colonel Edward M. House and President Woodrow
Wilson. One day in March 1919 Wickham Steed called Colonel House and found him
disturbed over Steed's recent criticism of U.S. recognition of the Bolsheviks.
Steed pointed out to House that Wilson would be discredited among the many
peoples and nations of Europe and "insisted that, unknown to him, the
prime movers were Jacob Schiff, Warburg and other international financiers, who
wished above all to bolster up the Jewish Bolshevists in order to secure a
field for German and Jewish exploitation of Russia."1 According to Steed, Colonel House argued
for the establishment of economic relations with the Soviet Union.
Probably the most superficially damning collection of
documents on the Jewish conspiracy is in the State Department Decimal File
(861.00/5339). The central document is one entitled "Bolshevism and
Judaism," dated November 13, 1918. The text is in the form of a report,
which states that the revolution in Russia was engineered "in February 1916"
and "it was found that the following persons and firms were engaged in
this destructive work":
(1)
Jacob Schiff
|
Jew
|
|
(2)
Kuhn, Loeb & Company
|
Jewish
Firm
|
|
Management:
|
Jacob
Schiff
|
Jew
|
|
Felix
Warburg
|
Jew
|
|
Otto
H. Kahn
|
Jew
|
|
Mortimer
L. Schiff
|
Jew
|
|
Jerome
J. Hanauer
|
Jew
|
(3)
Guggenheim
|
Jew
|
|
(4)
Max Breitung
|
Jew
|
|
(5)
Isaac Seligman
|
Jew
|
The report goes on to assert that there can be no
doubt that the Russian Revolution was started and engineered by this group and
that in April 1917
Jacob Schiff in fact made a public announcement and
it was due to his financial influence that the Russian revolution was
successfully accomplished and in the Spring 1917 Jacob Schitf started to
finance Trotsky, a Jew, for the purpose of accomplishing a social revolution in
Russia.
The report contains other miscellaneous information
about Max Warburg's financing of Trotsky, the role of the Rheinish-Westphalian
syndicate and Olof Aschberg of the Nya Banken (Stockholm) together with
Jivotovsky. The anonymous author (actually employed by the U.S. War Trade
Board)2 states that the links between these
organizations and their financing of the Bolshevik Revolution show how
"the link between Jewish multi-millionaires and Jewish proletarians was
forged." The report goes on to list a large number of Bolsheviks who were
also Jews and then describes the actions of Paul Warburg, Judus Magnes, Kuhn,
Loeb & Company, and Speyer & Company.
The report ends with a barb at "International
Jewry" and places the argument into the context of a Christian-Jewish
conflict backed up by quotations from the Protocols of Zion. Accompanying this
report is a series of cables between the State Department in Washington and the
American embassy in London concerning the steps to be taken with these
documents:3
5399 Great Britain, TEL. 3253 i pm
October 16, 1919 In Confidential
File
Secret for Winslow from Wright. Financial aid to Bolshevism & Bolshevik Revolution in Russia from prominent Am. Jews: Jacob Schiff, Felix Warburg, Otto Kahn, Mendell Schiff, Jerome Hanauer, Max Breitung & one of the Guggenheims. Document re- in possession of Brit. police authorities from French sources. Asks for any facts re-.
Secret for Winslow from Wright. Financial aid to Bolshevism & Bolshevik Revolution in Russia from prominent Am. Jews: Jacob Schiff, Felix Warburg, Otto Kahn, Mendell Schiff, Jerome Hanauer, Max Breitung & one of the Guggenheims. Document re- in possession of Brit. police authorities from French sources. Asks for any facts re-.
*
* * * *
Oct. 17 Great Britain TEL. 6084, noon r c-h 5399 Very
secret. Wright from Winslow. Financial aid to Bolshevik revolution in Russia
from prominent Am. Jews. No proof re- but investigating. Asks to urge Brit.
authorities to suspend publication at least until receipt of document by
Dept.
*
* * * *
Nov. 28 Great Britain TEL. 6223 R 5 pro. 5399
FOR WRIGHT. Document re financial aid to Bolsheviki by prominent American jews. Reports — identified as French translation of a statement originally prepared in English by Russian citizen in Am. etc. Seem most unwise to give — the distinction of publicity.
FOR WRIGHT. Document re financial aid to Bolsheviki by prominent American jews. Reports — identified as French translation of a statement originally prepared in English by Russian citizen in Am. etc. Seem most unwise to give — the distinction of publicity.
It was agreed to suppress this material and the files
conclude, "I think we have the whole thing in cold storage."
Another document marked "Most Secret" is
included with this batch of material. The provenance of the document is
unknown; it is perhaps FBI or military intelligence. It reviews a translation
of the Protocols of the Meetings of the Wise Men of Zion, and concludes:
In this connection a letter was sent to Mr. W.
enclosing a memorandum from us with regard to certain information from the
American Military Attache to the effect that the British authorities had
letters intercepted from various groups of international Jews setting out a
scheme for world dominion. Copies of this material will be very useful to us.
This information was apparently developed and a later
British intelligence report makes the flat accusation:
SUMMARY: There is now definite evidence that
Bolshevism is an international movement controlled by Jews; communications are
passing between the leaders in America, France, Russia and England with a view
to concerted action....4
However, none of the above statements can be
supported with hard empirical evidence. The most significant information is
contained in the paragraph to the effect that the British authorities possessed
"letters intercepted from various groups of international Jews setting out
a scheme for world dominion." If indeed such letters exist, then they
would provide support (or nonsupport) for a presently unsubstantiated
hypothesis: to wit, that the Bolshevik Revolution and other revolutions are the
work of a worldwide Jewish conspiracy.
Moreover, when statements and assertions are not
supported by hard evidence and where attempts to unearth hard evidence lead in
a circle back to the starting point — particularly when everyone is quoting
everyone else — then we must reject the story as spurious. There is no concrete evidence that Jews were involved in the Bolshevik
Revolution because they were Jewish. There may indeed have been a higher
proportion of Jews involved, but given tsarist treatment of Jews, what else
would we expect? There were probably many Englishmen or persons of English
origin in the American Revolution fighting the redcoats. So what? Does that
make the American Revolution an English conspiracy? Winston Churchill's
statement that Jews had a "very great role" in the Bolshevik
Revolution is supported only by distorted evidence. The list of Jews involved
in the Bolshevik Revolution must be weighed against lists of non-Jews involved
in the revolution. When this scientific procedure is adopted, the proportion of
foreign Jewish Bolsheviks involved falls to less than twenty percent of the
total number of revolutionaries — and these Jews were mostly deported,
murdered, or sent to Siberia in the following years. Modern Russia has in fact
maintained tsarist anti-Semitism.
It is significant that documents in the State
Department files confirm that the investment banker Jacob Schiff, often cited
as a source of funds for the Bolshevik Revolution, was in fact against support of the Bolshevik regime.5 This position, as we shall see, was in
direct contrast to the Morgan-Rockefeller promotion of the Bolsheviks.
The persistence with which the Jewish-conspiracy myth
has been pushed suggests that it may well be a deliberate device to divert
attention from the real issues and the real causes. The evidence provided in
this book suggests that the New York bankers who were also Jewish had
relatively minor roles in supporting the Bolsheviks, while the New York bankers
who were also Gentiles (Morgan, Rockefeller, Thompson) had major roles.
What better way to divert attention from the real operators than by the medieval
bogeyman of anti-Semitism?
Footnotes:
1See Appendix 3 for Schiff's actual role.
2The anonymous author was a Russian employed by the
U.S. War Trade Board. One of the three directors of the U.S. War Trade Board at
this time was John Foster Dulles.
3U.S. State Dept. Decimal File, 861.00/5399.
4Great Britain, Directorate of Intelligence, A Monthly Review of the Progress of
Revolutionary Movements Abroad, no. 9, July 16, 1913 (861.99/5067).
5See Appendix 3.
Appendix III
SELECTED DOCUMENTS FROM
GOVERNMENT FILES OF THE
UNITED STATES AND GREAT BRITAIN
Note: Some documents comprise several papers that
form a related group.
DOCUMENT
NO. 1 Cable from Ambassador Francis in Petrograd to U.S. State Department and
related letter from Secretary of State Robert Lansing to President Woodrow
Wilson (March 17, 1917)
DOCUMENT
NO. 2 British Foreign Office document (October 1917) claiming Kerensky was in
the pay of the German government and aiding the Bolsheviks
DOCUMENT
NO. 3 Jacob Schiff of Kuhn, Loeb & Company and his position on the Kerensky
and Bolshevik regimes (November 1918)
DOCUMENT
NO. 4 Memorandum from William Boyce Thompson, director of the Federal Reserve
Bank of New York, to the British prime minister David Lloyd George (December
1917)
DOCUMENT
NO. 5 Letter from Felix Frankfurter to Soviet agent Santeri Nuorteva (May 9,
1918)
DOCUMENT
NO. 6 Personnel of the Soviet Bureau, New York, 1920; list from the New York
State Lusk Committee files
DOCUMENT
NO. 7 Letter from National City Bank to the U.S. Treasury referring to Ludwig
Martens and Dr. Julius Hammer (April 15, 1919)
DOCUMENT
NO. 8 Letter from Soviet agent William (Bill) Bobroff to Kenneth Durant (August
3, 1920)
DOCUMENT
NO. 9 Memo referring to a member of the J. P. Morgan firm and the British
director of propaganda Lord Northcliffe (April 13, 1918)
DOCUMENT
NO. 10 State Department Memo (May 29, 1922) regarding General Electric Co.
DOCUMENT NO. 1
Cable from
Ambassador Francis in Petrograd to the Department of State in Washington, D.C.,
dated March 14, 1917, and reporting the first stage of the Russian Revolution
(861.00/273).
Petrograd
Dated March 14, 1917,
Recd. 15th, 2:30 a.m.
Secretary
of State,
Washington
Washington
1287.
Unable to send a cablegram since the eleventh. Revolutionists have absolute
control in Petrograd and are making strenuous efforts to preserve order, which
successful except in rare instances. No cablegrams since your 1251 of the
ninth, received March eleventh. Provisional government organized under the
authority of the Douma which refused to obey the Emperor's order of the
adjournment. Rodzianko, president of the Douma, issuing orders over his own
signature. Ministry reported to have resigned. Ministers found are taken before
the Douma, also many Russian officers and other high officials. Most if not all
regiments ordered to Petrograd have joined the revolutionists after arrival.
American colony safe. No knowledge of any injuries to American citizens.
FRANCIS,
American Ambassador
American Ambassador
On receipt
of the preceding cable, Robert Lansing, Secretary of State, made its contents
available to President Wilson (861.00/273):
PERSONAL AND CONFIDENTIAL
My Dear
Mr. President:
I enclose
to you a very important cablegram which has just come from Petrograd, and also
a clipping from the New York WORLD of this morning, in which a statement is
made by Signor Scialoia, Minister without portfolio in the Italian Cabinet,
which is significant in view of Mr. Francis' report. My own impression is that
the Allies know of this matter and I presume are favorable to the
revolutionists since the Court party has been, throughout the war, secretly
pro-German.
Faithfully yours,
ROBERT LANSING
ROBERT LANSING
Enclosure:
The President,
The White House
The President,
The White House
COMMENT
The
significant phrase in the Lansing-Wilson letter is "My own impression is
that the Allies know of this matter and I presume are favorable to the
revolutionists since the Court party has been, throughout the war, secretly
pro-German." It will be recalled (chapter two) that Ambassador Dodd
claimed that Charles R. Crane, of Westinghouse and of Crane Co. in New York and
an adviser to President Wilson, was involved in this first revolution.
DOCUMENT NO. 2
Memorandum
from Great Britain Foreign Office file FO 371/ 2999 (The War — Russia), October
23, 1917, file no. 3743.
DOCUMENT
Personal
(and) Secret.
Disquieting
rumors have reached us from more than one source that Kerensky is in German pay
and that he and his government are doing their utmost to weaken (and)
disorganize Russia, so as to arrive at a situation when no other course but a
separate peace would be possible. Do you consider that there is any ground for
such insinuations, and that the government by refraining from any effective
action are purposely allowing the Bolshevist elements to grow stronger?
If it
should be a question of bribery we might be able to compete successfully if it
were known how and through what agents it could be done, although it is not a
pleasant thought.
COMMENT
Refers to
information that Kerensky was in German pay.
DOCUMENT NO. 3
Consists
of four parts:
(a) Cable
from Ambassador Francis, April 27, 1917, in Petrograd to Washington, D.C.,
requesting transmission of a message from prominent Russian Jewish bankers to
prominent Jewish bankers in New York and requesting their subscription to the
Kerensky Liberty Loan (861.51/139).
(b) Reply
from Louis Marshall (May 10, 1917) representing American Jews; he declined the
invitation while expressing support for the American Liberty Loan (861.51/143).
(c) Letter
from Jacob Schiff of Kuhn, Loeb (November 25, 1918) to State Department (Mr.
Polk) relaying a message from Russian Jewish banker Kamenka calling for Allied
help against the Bolsheviks
("because Bolshevist government does not represent Russian People").
(d) Cable
from Kamenka relayed by Jacob Schiff.
DOCUMENTS
(a)
Secretary of State
Washington.
1229, twenty-seventh.
Washington.
1229, twenty-seventh.
Please
deliver following to Jacob Schiff, Judge Brandies [sic], Professor Gottheil,
Oscar Strauss [sic], Rabbi Wise,
Louis Marshall and Morgenthau:
"We
Russian Jews always believed that liberation of Russia meant also our
liberation. Being deeply devoted to country we placed implicit trust temporary
Government. We know the unlimited economic power of Russia and her immense
natural resources and the emancipation we obtained will enable us to
participate development country. We firmly believe that victorious finish of
the war owing help our allies and United States is near.
Temporary
Government issuing now new public loan of freedom and we feel our national duty
support loan high vital for war and freedom. We are sure that Russia has an
unshakeable power of public credit and will easily bear a.11 necessary
financial burden. We formed special committee of Russian Jews for supporting
loan consisting representatives financial, industrial trading circles and
leading public men.
We inform
you here of and request our brethren beyong [sic] the seas to support
freedom of Russian which became now case humanity and world's civilization. We
suggest you form there special committee and let us know of steps you may take
Jewish committee support success loan of freedom. Boris Kamenka, Chairman,
Baron Alexander Gunzburg, Henry Silosberg."
FRANCIS
* * * * *
(b) Dear
Mr. Secretary:
After
reporting to our associates the result of the interview which you kindly
granted to Mr. Morgenthau, Mr. Straus and myself, in regard to the advisability
of calling for subscriptions to the Russian Freedom Loan as requested in the
cablegram of Baron Gunzburg and Messrs. Kamenka and Silosberg of Petrograd,
which you recently communicated to us, we have concluded to act strictly upon
your advice. Several days ago we promised our friends at Petrograd an early
reply to their call for aid. We would therefore greatly appreciate the
forwarding of the following cablegram, provided its terms have your approval:
"Boris
Kamenka,
Don Azov Bank, Petrograd.
Don Azov Bank, Petrograd.
Our State
Department which we have consulted regards any present attempt toward securing
public subscriptions here for any foreign loans inadvisable; the concentration
of all efforts for the success of American war loans being essential, thereby
enabling our Government to supply funds to its allies at lower interest rates
than otherwise possible. Our energies to help the Russian cause most
effectively must therefore necessarily be directed to encouraging subscriptions
to American Liberty Loan. Schiff, Marshall, Straus, Morgenthau, Wise,
Gonheil."
You are of
course at liberty to make any changes in the phraseology of this suggested
cablegram which you may deem desirable and which will indicate that our failure
to respond directly to the request that has come to us is due to our anxiety to
make our activities most efficient.
May I ask
you to send me a copy of the cablegram as forwarded, with a memorandum of the
cost so that the Department may be promptly reimbursed.
I am, with great respect,
Faithfully yours,
[sgd.] Louis Marshall
Faithfully yours,
[sgd.] Louis Marshall
The
Secretary of State
Washington, D.C.
Washington, D.C.
* * *
* *
(c) Dear
Mr. Polk:
Will you
permit me to send you copy of a cablegram received this morning and which I
think, for regularity's sake, should be brought to the notice of the Secretary
of State or your good self, for such consideration as it might be thought well
to give this.
Mr.
Kamenka, the sender of this cablegram, is one of the leading men in Russia and
has, I am informed, been financial advisor both of the Prince Lvoff government
and of the Kerensky government. He is President of the Banque de Commerce de
l'Azov Don of Petrograd, one of the most important financial institutions of
Russia, but had, likely, to leave Russia with the advent of Lenin and his "comrades."
Let me
take this opportunity to send sincere greetings to you and Mrs. Polk and to
express the hope that you are now in perfect shape again, and that Mrs. Polk
and the children are in good health.
Faithfully yours,
[sgd.] Jacob H. Schiff
[sgd.] Jacob H. Schiff
Hon. Frank
L. Polk
Counsellor of the State Dept.
Washington, D.C.
Counsellor of the State Dept.
Washington, D.C.
MM-Encl.
[Dated
November 25, 1918]
* * *
* *
(d)
Translation:
The
complete triumph of liberty and right furnishes me a new opportunity to repeat
to you my profound admiration for the noble American nation. Hope to see now
quick progress on the part of the Allies to help Russia in reestablishing
order. Call your attention also to pressing necessity of replacing in Ukraine
enemy troops at the very moment of their retirement in order to avoid Bolshevist
devastation. Friendly intervention of Allies would be greeted everywhere with
enthusiasm and looked upon as democratic action, because Bolshevist government
does not represent Russian people. Wrote you September 19th. Cordial greetings.
[sgd.] Kamenka
COMMENT
This is an
important series because it refutes the story of a Jewish bank conspiracy
behind the Bolshevik Revolution. Clearly Jacob Schiff of Kuhn, Loeb was not
interested in supporting the Kerensky Liberty Loan and Schiff went to the trouble
of drawing State Department attention to Kamenka's pleas for Allied
intervention against the Bolsheviks. Obviously Schiff and fellow banker
Kamenka, unlike J.P. Morgan and John D. Rockefeller, were as unhappy about the
Bolsheviks as they had been about the tsars.
DOCUMENT NO. 4
Description
Memorandum
from William Boyce Thompson (director of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York)
to Lloyd George (prime minister of Great Britain), December 1917.
DOCUMENT
FIRST
The
Russian situation is lost and Russia lies entirely open to unopposed German
exploitation unless a radical reversal of policy is at once undertaken by the
Allies.
SECOND
Because of
their shortsighted diplomacy, the Allies since the Revolution have accomplished
nothing beneficial, and have done considerable harm to their own interests.
THIRD
The Allied
representatives in Petrograd have been lacking in
sympathetic understanding of the desire of the Russian people to attain
democracy. Our representatives were first connected officially with the Czar's
regime. Naturally they have been influenced by that environment.
FOURTH
Meanwhile,
on the other hand, the Germans have conducted propaganda that has undoubtedly
aided them materially in destroying the Government, in wrecking the army and in
destroying trade and industry. If this continues unopposed it may result in the
complete exploitation of the great country by Germany against the Allies.
FIFTH
I base my
opinion upon a careful and intimate study of the situation both outside and
inside official circles, during my stay in Petrograd between August 7 and
November 29, 1917.
SIXTH
"What
can be done to improve the situation of the Allies in Russia"?
The
diplomatic personnel, both British and American, should be changed to one
democratic in spirit and capable of sustaining democratic sympathy.
There
should be erected a powerful, unofficial committee, with headquarters in
Petrograd, to operate in the background, so to speak, the influence of which in
matters of policy should be recognized and accepted by the DIPLOMATIC, CONSULAR
and MILITARY officials of the Allies. Such committee should be so composed in
personnel as to make it possible to entrust to it wide discretionary powers. It
would presumably undertake work in various channels. The nature of which will become
obvious as the task progresses; it. would aim to meet all new conditions as
they might arise.
SEVENTH
It is
impossible now to define at all completely the scope of this new Allied
committee. I can perhaps assist to a better understanding of its possible
usefulness and service by making a brief reference to the work which I started
and which is now in the hands of Raymond Robins, who is well and favorably
known to Col. Buchan — a work which in the future will undoubtedly have to be
somewhat altered and added to in order to meet new conditions. My work has been
performed chiefly through a Russian "Committee on Civic Education"
aided by Madame Breshkovsky, the Grandmother of the Revolution. She was
assisted by Dr. David Soskice, the private secretary of the then Prime Minister
Kerensky (now of London); Nicholas Basil Tchaikovsky, at one time Chairman of
the Peasants Co-operative Society, and by other substantial social
revolutionaries constituting the saving element of democracy as between the
extreme "Right" of the official and property-owning class, and the
extreme "Left" embodying the most radical elements of the socialistic
parties. The aim of this committee, as stated in a cable message from Madame
Breshkovsky to President Wilson, can be gathered from this quotation: "A
widespread education is necessary to make Russia an orderly democracy. We plan
to bring this education to the soldier in the camp, to the workman in the
factory, to the peasant in the village." Those aiding in this work realized
that for centuries the masses had been under the heel of Autocracy which had
given them not protection but oppression; that a democratic form of government
in Russian could be maintained only BY THE DEFEAT OF THE GERMAN ARMY; BY THE
OVERTHROW OF GERMAN AUTOCRACY. Could free Russia, unprepared for great
governmental responsibilities, uneducated, untrained, be expected long to
survive with imperial Germany her next door neighbor? Certainly not. Democratic
Russia would become speedily the greatest war prize the world has even known.
The
Committee designed to have an educational center in each regiment of the
Russian army, in the form of Soldiers' Clubs. These clubs were organized as
rapidly as possible, and lecturers were employed to address the soldiers. The
lecturers were in reality teachers, and it should be remembered that there is a
percentage of 90 among the soldiers of Russia who can neither read nor write.
At the time of the Bolshevik outbreak many of these speakers were in the field
making a fine impression and obtaining excellent results. There were 250 in the
city of Moscow alone. It was contemplated by the Committee to have at least
5000 of these lecturers. We had under publication many newspapers of the
"A B C" class, printing matter in the simplest style, and were
assisting about 100 more. These papers carried the appeal for patriotism, unity
and co-ordination into the homes of the workmen and the peasants.
After the
overthrow of the last Kerensky government we materially aided the dissemination
of the Bolshevik literature, distributing it through agents and by aeroplanes
to the German army. If the suggestion is permissible, it might be well to
consider whether it would not be desirable to have this same Bolshevik
literature sent into Germany and Austria across the West and Italian fronts.
EIGHTH
The
presence of a small number of Allied troops in Petrograd would certainly have
done much to prevent the overthrow of the Kerensky government in November. I
should like to suggest for your consideration, if present conditions continue,
the concentration of all the British and French Government employees in
Petrograd, and if the necessity should arise it might be formed into a fairly
effective force. It might be advisable even to pay a small sum to a Russian
force. There is also a large body of volunteers recruited in Russia, many of
them included in the Intelligentsia of "Center" class, and these have
done splendid work in the trenches. They might properly be aided.
NINTH
If you ask
for a further programme I should say that it is impossible to give it now. I
believe that intelligent and courageous work will still prevent Germany from
occupying the field to itself and thus exploiting Russia at the expense of the
Allies. There will be many ways in which this service can be rendered which
will become obvious as the work progresses.
COMMENT
Following
this memorandum the British war cabinet changed its policy to one of tepid
pro-Bolshevism. Note that Thompson admits to distribution of Bolshevik
literature by his agents. The confusion over the date on which Thompson left
Russia (he states November 29th in this document) is cleared up by the Pirnie
papers at the Hoover Institution. There were several changes of travel plans
and Thompson was still in Russia in early December. The memorandum was probably
written in Petrograd in late November.
DOCUMENT NO. 5
DESCRIPTION
Letter
dated May 9, 1918, from Felix Frankfurter (then special assistant to the
secretary of war) to Santeri Nuorteva (alias for Alexander Nyberg), a Bolshevik
agent in the United States. Listed as Document No. 1544 in the Lusk Committee
files, New York:
DOCUMENT
WAR DEPARTMENT
WASHINGTON
May 9, 1918
WASHINGTON
May 9, 1918
My dear
Mr. Nhorteva [sic]:
Thank you
very much for your letter of the 4th. I knew you would understand the purely friendly
and wholly unofficial character of our talk, and I appreciate the prompt steps
you have taken to correct your Sirola* letter. Be wholly assured that nothing has
transpired which diminishes my interest in the questions which you present.
Quite the contrary. I am much interested in** the considerations you are advancing and for
the point of view you are urging. The issues*** at stake are the interests that mean much for
the whole world. To meet them adequately we need all the knowledge and wisdom
we can possibly get****.
Cordially yours,
Felix Frankfurter
Felix Frankfurter
Santeri
Nuorteva, Esq.
* Yrjo
Sirola was a Bolshevik and commissar in Finland.
** Original text, "continually grateful to you for."
*** Original text, "interests."
**** Original text added "these days."
** Original text, "continually grateful to you for."
*** Original text, "interests."
**** Original text added "these days."
COMMENT
This
letter by Frankfurter was written to Nuorteva/Nyberg, a Bolshevik agent in the
United States, at a time when Frankfurter held an official position as special
assistant to Secretary of War Baker in the War Department. Apparently Nyberg
was willing to change a letter to commissar "Sirola" according to
Frankfurter's instructions. The Lusk Committee acquired the original
Frankfurter draft including Frankfurter's changes and not the letter received
by Nyberg.
THE SOVIET BUREAU IN 1920
Position
|
Name
|
Citizenship
|
Born
|
Former
Employment
|
Representa
tive of USSR
|
Ludwig
C.A.K. MARTENS
|
German
|
Russia
|
V-P
of Weinberg & Posner Engineer ing (120 Broadway)
|
Office
manager
|
Gregory
WEINSTEIN
|
Russian
|
Russia
|
Journalist
|
Secretary
|
Santeri
NUORTEVA
|
Finnish
|
Russia
|
Journalist
|
Assistant
secretary
|
Kenneth
DURANT
|
U.S.
|
U.S.
|
(1)
U.S. Committee on Public Information
(2) Former aide to Colonel House |
Private
secre tary to NUOR TEVA
|
Dorothy
KEEN
|
U.S.
|
U.S.
|
High
school
|
Translator
|
Mary
MODELL
|
Russian
|
Russia
|
School
in Russia
|
File
clerk
|
Alexander
COLEMAN
|
U.S.
|
U.S.
|
High
school
|
Telephone
clerk
|
Blanche
ABUSHEVITZ
|
Russian
|
Russia
|
High
school
|
Office
attendant
|
Nestor
KUNTZEVICH
|
Russian
|
Russia
|
—
|
Military
expert
|
Lt.
Col. Boris Tagueeff Roustam BEK
|
Russian
|
Russia
|
Military
critic on Daily Express (London)
|
Commercial Department
|
|
|
|
|
Director
|
A.
HELLER
|
Russian
|
U.S.
|
International
Oxy gen Company
|
Secretary
|
Ella
TUCH
|
Russian
|
U.S.
|
U.S.
firms
|
Clerk
|
Rose
HOLLAND
|
U.S.
|
U.S.
|
Gary
School League
|
Clerk
|
Henrietta
MEEROWICH
|
Russian
|
Russia
|
Social
worker
|
Clerk
|
Rose
BYERS
|
Russian
|
Russia
|
School
|
Statistician
|
Vladimir
OLCHOVSKY
|
Russian
|
Russia
|
Russian
Army
|
Information
Department
|
|
|
|
|
Director
|
Evans
CLARK
|
U.S.
|
U.S.
|
Princeton
University
|
Clerk
|
Nora
G. SMITHMAN
|
U.S.
|
U.S.
|
Ford
Peace Expedition
|
Steno
|
Etta
FOX
|
U.S.
|
U.S.
|
War
Trade Board
|
—
|
Wilfred
R. HUMPHRIES
|
U.K.
|
—
|
American
Red Cross
|
Technical
Dept.
|
|
|
|
|
Director
|
Arthur
ADAMS
|
Russian
|
U.S.
|
—
|
Educational
Dept.
|
|
|
|
|
Director
|
William
MALISSOFF
|
Russian
|
U.S.
|
Columbia
University
|
Medical
Dept.
|
|
|
|
|
Director
|
Leo
A. HUEBSCH
|
Russian
|
U.S.
|
Medical
doctor
|
|
D.
H. DUBROWSKY
|
Russian
|
U.S.
|
Medical
doctor
|
Legal
Dept.
|
|
|
|
|
Director
|
Morris
HILLQUIT
|
Lithuanian
|
—
|
—
|
|
Counsel
retained:
|
|
|
|
|
Charles
RECHT
|
|
|
|
|
Dudley
Field MALONE
|
|
|
|
|
George
Cordon BATTLE
|
|
|
|
Dept.
of Economics & Statistics
|
|
|
|
|
Director
|
Isaac
A. HOURWICH
|
Russian
|
U.S.
|
U.S.
Bureau of Census
|
|
Eva
JOFFE
|
Russian
|
U.S.
|
National
Child
Labor Commission |
Steno
|
Elizabeth
GOLDSTEIN
|
Russian
|
U.S.
|
Student
|
Editorial
Staff of Soviet Russia
|
|
|
|
|
Managing
editor
|
Jacob
w. HARTMANN
|
U.S.
|
U.S.
|
College
of City
of New York |
Steno
|
Ray
TROTSKY
|
Russian
|
Russia
|
Student
|
Translator
|
Theodnre
BRESLAUER
|
Russian
|
Russia
|
—
|
Clerk
|
Vastly
IVANOFF
|
Russian
|
Russia
|
—
|
Clerk
|
David
OLDFIELD
|
Russian
|
Russia
|
—
|
Translator
|
J.
BLANKSTEIN
|
Russian
|
Russia
|
—
|
SOURCE: |
U.S., House, Conditions in Russia (Committee on Foreign Affairs), 66th Cong., 3rd sess. (Washington, D.C., 1921). |
|||
|
See also British list in U.S. State
Department Decimal File, 316-22-656, which also has the name of Julius
Hammer.
|
DOCUMENT NO. 7
DESCRIPTION
Letter
from National City Bank of New York to the U.S. Treasury, April 15, 1919, with
regard to Ludwig Martens and his associate Dr. Julius Hammer (316-118).
DOCUMENT
The National City Bank of New York
New York, April 15, 1919
New York, April 15, 1919
Honorable
Joel Rathbone,
Assistant Secretary of the Treasury
Washington, D.C.
Assistant Secretary of the Treasury
Washington, D.C.
Dear Mr.
Rathbone:
I beg to
hand you herewith photographs of two documents which we have received this
morning by registered mail from a Mr. L. Martens who claims to be the
representative in the United States of the Russian Socialist Federal Soviet
Republic, and witnessed by a Dr. Julius Hammer for the Acting Director of the
Financial Department.
You will
see from these documents that there is a demand being made upon us for any and
all funds on deposit with us in the name of Mr. Boris Bakhmeteff, alleged
Russian Ambassador in the United States, or in the name of any individual,
committee, or mission purporting to act in behalf of the Russian Government in
subordination to Mr. Bakhmeteff or directly.
We should
be very glad to receive from you whatever advice or instructions you may care
to give us in this matter.
Yours respectfully,
[sgd.] J. H. Carter,
Vice President.
[sgd.] J. H. Carter,
Vice President.
JHC:M
Enclosure
COMMENTS
The
significance of this letter is related to the long-time association (1917-1974)
of the Hammer family with the Soviets.
DOCUMENT NO. 8
DESCRIPTION
Letter
dated August 3, 1920, from Soviet courier "Bill" Bobroff to Kenneth
Durant, former aide to Colonel House. Taken from Bobroff by U.S. Department of
Justice.
DOCUMENT
Department
of Justice
Bureau of Investigation,
15 Park Row, New York City, N. Y.,
August 10, 1920
Bureau of Investigation,
15 Park Row, New York City, N. Y.,
August 10, 1920
Director
Bureau of Investigation
United States Department of Justice, Washington, D.C.
United States Department of Justice, Washington, D.C.
Dear Sir:
Confirming telephone conversation with Mr. Ruch today, I am transmitting
herewith original documents taken from the effects of B. L. Bobroll, steamship Frederick VIII.
The letter
addressed Mr. Kenneth Durant, signed by Bill, dated August 3, 1920, together
with the translation from "Pravda," July 1, 1920, signed by Trotzki,
and copies of cablegrams were found inside the blue envelope addressed Mr.
Kenneth Durant, 228 South Nineteenth Street, Philadelphia, Pa. This blue
envelope was in turn sealed inside the white envelope attached.
Most of
the effects of Mr. Bobroff consisted of machinery catalogues, specifications,
correspondence regarding the shipment of various equipment, etc., to Russian
ports. Mr. Bobroff was closely questioned by Agent Davis and the customs
authorities, and a detailed report of same will be sent to Washington.
Very truly yours,
G. F. Lamb,
Division Superintendent
G. F. Lamb,
Division Superintendent
LETTER TO KENNETH DURANT
Dear
Kenneth: Thanks for your most welcome letter. I have felt very much cut off and
hemmed in, a feeling which has been sharply emphasized by recent experiences. I
have felt distressed at inability to force a different attitude toward the
bureau and to somehow get funds to you. To cable $5,000 to you, as was done
last week, is but a sorry joke. I hope the proposal to sell gold in America,
about which we have been cabling recently, will soon be found practicable.
Yesterday we cabled asking if you could sell 5,000,000 rubles at a minimum of
45 cents, present market rate being 51.44 cents. That would net at least
$2,225,000. L's present need is $2,000,000 to pay Niels Juul & Co., in
Christiania, for the first part of the coal shipment from America to Vardoe,
Murmansk, and Archangel. The first ship is nearing Vardoe and the second left
New York about July 28. Altogether, Niels Juul & Co., or rather the Norges'
Bank, of Christiania, on their and our account, hold $11,000,000 gold rubles of
ours, which they themselves brought from Reval to Christiania, as security for
our coal order and the necessary tonnage, but the offers for purchase of this
gold that they have so far been able to get are very poor, the best being $575
per kilo, whereas the rate offered by the American Mint or Treasury Department
is now $644.42, and considering the large sum involved it would be a shame to
let it go at too heavy a loss. I hope that ere you get this you will have been
able to effect the sale, at the same time thus getting a quarter of a million
dollars or more for the bureau. If we can't in some way pay the $2,000,000 in
Christiania, that was due four days ago, within a very short time, Niels Juul
& Co. will have the right to sell our gold that they now hold at the best
price then obtainable, which, as stated above, is quite low.
We don't
know yet how the Canadian negotiations are going on. We understand Nuorteva
turned over the strings to Shoen when N.'s arrest seemed imminent. We don't at
this writing know where Nuorteva is. Our guess is that after his enforced
return to England from Esbjerg, Denmark, Sir Basil Thomson had him shipped
aboard a steamer for Reval, but we have not yet heard from Reval that he has
arrived there, and we certainly would hear from Goukovski or from N. himself.
Humphries saw Nuorteva at Esbjerg, and is himself in difficulties with the
Danish police because of it. All his connections are being probed for; his
passport has been taken away: he has been up twice for examination, and it looks
as if he will be lucky if he escapes deportation. It was two weeks ago that
Nuorteva arrived at Esbjerg, 300 miles from here, but having no Danish visa,
the Danish authorities refused to permit him to land, and he was transferred to
a steamer due to sail at 8 o'clock the following morning. By depositing 200
kroner he was allowed shore leave for a couple of hours. Wanting to get
Copenhagen on long-distance wire and having practically no more money, he once
more pawned that gold watch of his for 25 kroner, therewith getting in touch
with Humphries, who within half an hour jumped aboard the night train, slept on
the floor, and arrived at Esbjerg at 7:30. Humphries found Nuorteva, got
permission from the captain to go aboard, had 20 minutes with N., then had to
go ashore and the boat sailed. Humphries was then invited to the police office
by two plain-clothes men, who had been observing the proceedings. He was
closely questioned, address taken, then released, and that night took train
back to Copenhagen. He sent telegrams to Ewer, of Daily Herald, Shoen, and to
Kliskho, at 128 New Bond Street, urging them to be sure and meet Nuorteva's
boat, so that N. couldn't again be spirited away, but we don't know yet just
what happened. The British Government vigorously denied that they had any
intention of sending him to Finland. Moscow has threatened reprisals if
anything happens to him. Meantime, the investigation of H. has begun. He was
called upon at his hotel by the police, requested to go to headquarters (but not
arrested), and we understand that his case is now before the minister of
justice. Whatever may be the final outcome, Humphries comments upon the
reasonable courtesy shown him, contrasting it with the ferocity of the Red
raids in America.
He found
that at detective headquarters they knew of some of his outgoing letters and
telegrams.
I was
interested in your favorable comment upon the Krassin interview of Tobenken's
(you do not mention the Litvinoff one), because I had to fight like a demon
with L. to get the opportunities for Tobenken. Through T. arrived with a letter
from Nuorteva, as also did Arthur Ruhl, L. brusquely turned down in less than
one minute the application T. was making to go into Russia, would hardly take
time to hear him, saying it was impossible to allow two correspondents from the
same paper to enter Russia. He gave a visa to Ruhl, largely because of a
promise made last summer to Ruhl by L. Ruhl then went off to Reval, there to
await the permission that L. had cabled asking Moscow to give. Tobenken, a
nervous, almost a broken man because of his turn down, stayed here. I realized
the mistake that had been made by the snap judgment, and started in on the job
of getting it changed. Cutting a long story short, I got him to Reval with a
letter to Goukovsky from L. In the meantime Moscow refused Ruhl,
notwithstanding L's visa. L. was maddened at affront to his visa, and insisted
that it be honored. It was, and Ruhl prepared to leave. Suddenly word came from
Moscow to Ruhl revoking the permission and to Litvinoff, saying that
information had reached Moscow that Ruhl was in service of State Department. At
time of writing, both Tobenken and Ruhl are in Reval, stuck.
I told L.
this morning of the boat leaving tomorrow and of the courier B. available, asked
him if he had anything to write to Martens, offered to take it in shorthand for
him, but no, he said he had nothing to write about that I might perhaps send
duplicates of our recent cables to Martens.
Kameneff
passed by here on a British destroyer en route to London, and didn't stop off
here at all, and Krassin went direct from Stockholm. Of the negotiations,
allied and Polish, and of the general situation you know about as much as we do
here. L's negotiations with the Italians have finally resulted in establishing
of mutual representation. Our representative, Vorovsky, has already gone to
Italy and their representative, M. Gravina, is en route to Russia. We have just
sent two ship loads of Russian wheat to Italy from Odessa.
Give my
regards to the people of your circle that I know. With all good wishes to you.
Sincerely yours,
Bill
Bill
The batch
of letters you sent — 5 Cranbourne Road, Charlton cum Hardy, Manchester,
has not yet arrived.
L's
recommendation to Moscow, since M. asked to move to Canada, is that M. should
be appointed there, and that N., after having some weeks in Moscow acquainting
himself first hand, should be appointed representative to America.
L. is
sharply critical of the bureau for giving too easily visés and recommendations.
He was obviously surprised and incensed when B. reached here with contracts
secured in Moscow upon strength of letters given to him by M. The later message
from M. evidently didn't reach Moscow. What L. plans to do about it I don't
know. I would suggest that M. cable in cipher his recommendation to L. in this
matter. L. would have nothing to do with B. here. Awkward situation may be
created.
L.
instanced also the Rabinoff recommendation.
Two
envelopes, Mr. Kenneth Durant, 228 South Nineteenth Street, Philadelphia, Pa.,
U.S.A.
SOURCE:
U.S. State Department Decimal File, 316-119-458/64.
NOTE:
IDENTIFICATION OF INDIVIDUALS
William
(Bill) L. BOBROFF
|
Soviet
courier and agent. Operated Bobroff Foreign Trading and Engineering Company
of Milwaukee. Invented the voting system used in the Wisconsin Legilature.
|
Kenneth
DURANT
|
Aide
to Colonel House; see text.
|
SHOEN
|
Employed
by International Oxygen Co., owned by Heller, a prominent financier and
Communist.
|
EWER
|
Soviet
agent, reporter for London Daily Herald.
|
KLISHKO
|
Soviet
agent in Scandinavia
|
NUORTEVA
|
Also
known as Alexander Nyberg, first Soviet representative in United States; see
text.
|
Sir
Basil THOMPSON
|
Chief
of British Intelligence
|
"L"
|
LITVINOFF.
|
"H"
|
Wilfred
Humphries, associated with Martens and Litvinoff, member of Red Cross in
Russia.
|
KRASSIN
|
Bolshevik
commissar of trade and labor, former head of Siemens-Schukert in Russia.
|
COMMENTS
This
letter suggests close ties between Bobroff and Durant.
DOCUMENT NO. 9
DESCRIPTION
Memorandum
referring to a request from Davison (Morgan partner) to Thomas Thacher (Wall
Street attorney associated with the Morgans) and passed to Dwight Morrow
(Morgan partner), April 13, 1918.
DOCUMENT
The Berkeley Hotel, London
April 13th, 1918.
April 13th, 1918.
Hon.
Walter H. Page,
American Ambassador to England,
London.
American Ambassador to England,
London.
Dear Sir:
Several
days ago I received a request from Mr. H. P. Davison, Chairman of the War
Council of the American Red Cross, to confer with Lord Northcliffe regarding
the situation in Russia, and then to proceed to Paris for other conferences. Owing
to Lord Northcliffe's illness I have not been able to confer with him, but am
leaving with Mr. Dwight W. Morrow, who is now staying at the Berkeley Hotel, a
memorandum of the situation which Mr. Morrow will submit to Lord Northcliffe on
the latter's return to London.
For your
information and the information of the Department I enclose to you, herewith, a
copy of the memorandum.
Respectfully
yours,
[sgd.] Thomas D. Thacher.
[sgd.] Thomas D. Thacher.
COMMENT
Lord
Northcliffe had just been appointed director of propaganda. This is interesting
in the light of William B. Thompson's subsidizing of Bolshevik propaganda and
his connection with the Morgan-Rockefeller interests.
DOCUMENT NO. 10
DESCRIPTION
This
document is a memorandum from D.C. Poole, Division of Russian Affairs in the
Department of State, to the secretary of state concerning a conversation with
Mr. M. Oudin of General Electric.
DOCUMENT
May 29, 1922
Mr.
Secretary:
Mr. Oudin,
of the General Electric Company, informed me this morning that his company
feels that the time is possibly approaching to begin conversations with Krassin
relative to a resumption of business in Russia. I told him that it is the view
of the Department that the course to be pursued in this matter by American
firms is a question of business judgment and that the Department would
certainly interpose no obstacles to an American firm resuming operations in
Russia on any basis which the firm considered practicable.
He said
that negotiations are now in progress between the General Electric Company and
the Allgemeine Elektrizitats Gesellschaft for a resumption of the working
agreement which they had before the war. He expects that the agreement to be
made will include a provision for cooperation of Russia.
Respectfully,
DCP D.C. Poole
DCP D.C. Poole
COMMENT
This is an
important document as it relates to the forthcoming resumption of relations
with Russia by an important American company. It illustrates that the
initiative came from the company, not from the State Department, and that no
consideration was given to the effect of transfer of General Electric
technology to a self-declared enemy. This GE agreement was the first step down
a road of major technical transfers that led directly to the deaths of 100,000
Americans and countless allies.
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ADDENDA
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