CHAPTER
TWELVE
Conclusions
We have demonstrated with documentary evidence a number of critical associations between Wall Street international bankers and the rise of Hitler and Nazism in Germany.
First: that Wall Street financed the German cartels
in the mid-1920s which in turn proceeded to bring Hitler to power.
Second: that the financing for Hitler and his S.S.
street thugs came in part from affiliates or subsidiaries of U.S. firms,
including Henry Ford in 1922, payments by I.G. Farben and General Electric in
1933, followed by the Standard Oil of New Jersey and I.T.T. subsidiary payments
to Heinrich Himmler up to 1944.
Third: that U.S. multi-nationals under the control of
Wall Street profited handsomely from Hitler's military construction program in
the 1930s and at least until 1942.
Fourth: that these same international bankers used
political influence in the U.S. to cover up their wartime collaboration and to
do this infiltrated the U.S. Control Commission for Germany.
Our evidence for these four major assertions can be
summarized as follows:
In Chapter One we presented evidence that the Dawes
and Young Plans for German reparations were formulated by Wall Streeters,
temporarily wearing the hats of statesmen, and these loans generated a rain of
profits for these international bankers. Owen Young of General Electric,
Hjalmar Schacht, A. Voegler, and others intimately connected with Hitler's
accession to power had earlier been the negotiators for the U.S. and German
sides, respectively. Three Wall Street houses — Dillon, Read; Harris, Forbes;
and, National City Company — handled three-quarters of the reparations loans
used to create the German cartel system, including the dominant I.G. Farben and
Vereinigte Stahlwerke, which together produced 95 percent of the explosives for
the Nazi side in World War II.
The central role of I.G. Farben in Hitler's coup d' état was reviewed in Chapter
Two. The directors of American I.G. (Farben) were identified as prominent
American businessmen: Walter Teagle, a close Roosevelt associate and backer and
an NRA administrator; banker Paul Warburg (his brother Max Warburg was on the
board of I.G. Farben in Germany); and Edsel Ford. Farben contributed 400,000 RM
directly to Schacht and Hess for use in the crucial 1933 elections and Farben
was subsequently in the forefront of military development in Nazi Germany.
A donation of 60,000 RM was made to Hitler by German
General Electric (A.E.G.), which had four directors and a 25-30 percent
interest held by the U.S. General Electric parent company. This role was
described in Chapter Three, and we found that Gerard Swope, an originator of
Roosevelt's New Deal (its National Recovery Administration segment), together
with Owen Young of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York and Clark Minor of International
General Electric, were the dominant Wall Streeters in A.E.G. and the most
significant single influence.
We also found no evidence to indict the German
electrical firm Siemens, which was not under
Wall Street control. In contrast, there is documentary evidence that both
A.E.G. and Osram, the other units of the German electrical industry — both of
which had U.S. participation and control — did
finance Hitler. In fact, almost all directors of German General Electric
were Hitler backers, either directly through A.E.G. or indirectly through other
German firms, G.E. rounded out its Hitler support by technical cooperation with
Krupp, aimed at restricting U.S. development of tungsten carbide, which worked
to the detriment of the U.S. in World War II. We concluded that A.E.G. plants
in Germany managed, by a yet unknown maneuver, to avoid bombing by the Allies.
An examination of the role of Standard Oil of New
Jersey (which was and is controlled by the Rockefeller interests) was
undertaken in Chapter Four. Standard Oil apparently did not finance Hitler's
accession to power in 1933 (that part of the "myth of Sidney Warburg"
is not proven). On the other hand, payments were made up to 1944 by Standard
Oil of New Jersey, to develop synthetic gasoline for war purposes on behalf of
the Nazis and, through its wholly owned subsidiary, to Heinrich Himmler's S.S.
Circle of Friends for political purposes. Standard Oil's role was technical aid
to Nazi development of synthetic rubber and gasoline through a U.S. research company
under the management control of Standard Oil. The Ethyl Gasoline Company,
jointly owned by Standard Oil of New Jersey and General Motors, was
instrumental in supplying vital ethyl lead to Nazi Germany — over the written
protests of the U.S. War Department — with the clear knowledge that the ethyl
lead was for Nazi military purposes.
In Chapter Five we demonstrated that International
Telephone and Telegraph Company, one of the more notorious multi-nationals,
worked both sides of World War II through Baron Kurt von Schroder, of the
Schroder banking group. I.T.T. also held a 28-percent interest in Focke-Wolfe
aircraft, which manufactured excellent German fighter planes. We also found
that Texaco (Texas Oil Company) was involved in Nazi endeavors through German
attorney Westrick, but dropped its chairman of the board Rieber when these
endeavors were publicized.
Henry Ford was an early (1922) Hitler backer and
Edsel Ford continued the family tradition in 1942 by encouraging French Ford to
profit from arming the German Wehrmacht, Subsequently, these Ford-produced
vehicles were used against American soldiers as they landed in France in 1944.
For his early recognition of, and timely assistance to, the Nazis, Henry Ford
received a Nazi medal in 1938. The records of French Ford suggest Ford Motor
received kid glove treatment from the Nazis after 1940.
The provable threads of Hitler financing are drawn
together in Chapter Seven and answer with precise names and figures the
question, who financed Adolf Hitler? This chapter indicts Wall Street and,
incidentally, no one else of consequence in the United States except the Ford
family. The Ford family is not normally associated with Wall Street but is
certainly a part of the "power elite."
In earlier chapters we cited several Roosevelt
associates, including Teagle of Standard Oil, the Warburg family, and Gerard
Swope. In Chapter Eight the role of Putzi Hanfstaengl, another Roosevelt friend
and a participant in the Reichstag fire, is traced. The composition of the Nazi
inner circle during World War II, and the financial contributions of Standard
Oil of New Jersey and I.T.T. subsidiaries, are traced in Chapter Nine.
Documentary proof of these monetary contributions is presented. Kurt von
Schroder is identified as the key intermediary in this S.S. "slush
fund."
Finally, in Chapter Ten we reviewed a book suppressed
in 1934 and the "myth of 'Sidney Warburg.'" The suppressed book
accused the Rockefellers, the Warburgs, and the major oil companies of
financing Hitler. While the name "Sidney Warburg" was no doubt an
invention, the extraordinary fact remains that the argument in the suppressed
"Sidney Warburg" book is remarkably close to the evidence presented
now. It also remains a puzzle why James Paul Warburg, fifteen years later, would
want to attempt, in a rather transparently slipshod manner, to refute the
contents of the "Warburg" book, a book he claims not to have seen. It
is perhaps even more of a puzzle why Warburg would choose Nazi von Papen's Memoirs as the vehicle to present his
refutation.
Finally, in Chapter Eleven we examined the roles of
the Morgan and Chase Banks in World War II, specifically their collaboration
with the Nazis in France while a major war was raging.
In other words, as in our two previous examinations of
the links between New York international bankers and major historical events,
we find a provable pattern of subsidy and political manipulation.
Looking at the broad array of facts presented in the
three volumes of the Wall Street series, we find persistent recurrence of the
same names: Owen Young, Gerard Swope, Hjalmar Schacht, Bernard Baruch, etc.; the same international banks: J.P.
Morgan, Guaranty Trust, Chase Bank; and the same location in New York: usually
120 Broadway.
This group of international bankers backed the
Bolshevik Revolution and subsequently profited from the establishment of a
Soviet Russia. This group backed Roosevelt and profited from New Deal
socialism. This group also backed Hitler and certainly profited from German
armament in the 1930s. When Big Business should have been running its business
operations at Ford Motor, Standard of New Jersey, and so on, we find it
actively and deeply involved in political upheavals, war, and revolutions in
three major countries.
The version of history presented here is that the
financial elite knowingly and with premeditation assisted the Bolshevik
Revolution of 1917 in concert with German bankers. After profiting handsomely
from the German hyper-inflationary distress of 1923, and planning to place the
German reparations burden onto the backs of American investors, Wall Street
found it had brought about the 1929 financial crisis.
Two men were then backed as leaders for major Western
countries: Franklin D. Roosevelt in the United States and Adolf Hitler in
Germany. The Roosevelt New Deal and Hitler's Four Year Plan had great
similarities. The Roosevelt and Hitler plans were plans for fascist takeovers
of their respective countries. While Roosevelt's NRA failed, due to
then-operating constitutional constraints, Hitler's Plan succeeded.
Why did the Wall Street elite, the international
bankers, want Roosevelt and Hitler in power? This is an aspect we have not
explored. According to the "myth of 'Sidney Warburg,'" Wall Street
wanted a policy of revenge; that is, it wanted war in Europe between France and
Germany. We know even from Establishment history that both Hitler and Roosevelt
acted out policies leading to war.
The link-ups between persons and events in this
three-book series would require another book. But a single example will perhaps
indicate the remarkable concentration of power within a relatively few
organizations, and the use of this power.
On May 1st, 1918, when the Bolsheviks controlled only
a small fraction of Russia (and were to come near to losing even that fraction
in the summer of 1918), the American League to Aid and Cooperate with Russia
was organized in Washington, D.C. to support the Bolsheviks. This was not a
"Hands off Russia" type of committee formed by the Communist Party
U.S.A. or its allies. It was a committee created
by Wall Street with George P. Whalen of Vacuum Oil Company as Treasurer and
Coffin and Oudin of General Electric, along with Thompson of the Federal
Reserve System, Willard of the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, and assorted
socialists.
When we look at the rise of Hitler and Nazism we find
Vacuum Oil and General Electric well represented. Ambassador Dodd in Germany
was struck by the monetary and technical contribution by the Rockefeller-controlled
Vacuum Oil Company in building up military gasoline facilities for the Nazis.
The Ambassador tried to warn Roosevelt. Dodd believed, in his apparent naiveté
of world affairs, that Roosevelt would intervene, but Roosevelt himself was backed
by these same oil interests and Walter Teagle of Standard Oil of New Jersey and
the NRA was on the board of Roosevelt's Warm Springs Foundation. So, in but one
of many examples, we find the Rockefeller-controlled Vacuum Oil Company
prominently assisting in the creation of Bolshevik Russia, the military
build-up of Nazi Germany, and backing Roosevelt's New Deal.
Within the last decade or so, certainly since the
1960s, a steady flow of literature has presented a thesis that the United
States is ruled by a self-perpetuating and unelected power elite. Even further,
most of these books aver that this elite controls, or at the least heavily
influences, all foreign and domestic policy decisions, and that no idea becomes
respectable or is published in the United States without the tacit approval, or
perhaps lack of disapproval, of this elitist circle.
Obviously the very flow of anti-establishment
literature by itself testifies that the United States cannot be wholly under
the thumb of any single group or elite. On the other hand, anti-establishment
literature is not fully recognized or reasonably discussed in academic or media
circles. More often than not it consists of a limited edition, privately
produced, almost hand-to-hand circulated. There are some exceptions, true; but not enough to dispute the observation
that anti-establishment critics do not easily enter normal
information/distribution channels.
Whereas in the early and mid-1960s, any concept of
rule by a conspiratorial elite, or indeed any kind of elite, was reason enough
to dismiss the proponent out of hand as a "nut case," the atmosphere
for such concepts has changed radically. The Watergate affair probably added
the final touches to a long-developing environment of skepticism and doubt. We
are almost at the point where anyone who accepts, for example, the Warren
Commission report, or believes that that the decline and fall of Mr. Nixon did
not have some conspiratorial aspects, is suspect. In brief, no one any longer
really believes the Establishment information process. And there is a wide
variety of alternative presentations of events now available for the curious.
Several hundred books, from the full range of the
political and philosophical spectrum, add bits and pieces of evidence, more
hypotheses, and more accusations. What was not too long ago a kooky idea,
talked about at midnight behind closed doors, in hushed and almost
conspiratorial whispers, is now openly debated — not, to be sure, in Establishment
newspapers but certainly on non-network radio talk shows, the underground
press, and even from time to time in books from respectable Establishment
publishing houses.
So let us ask the question again: Is there an
unselected power elite behind the U.S. Government?
A substantive and often-cited source of information
is Carroll Quigley, Professor of International Relations at Georgetown
University, who in 1966 had published a monumental modern history entitled Tragedy and Hope.1 Quigley's
book is apart from others in this revisionist vein, by virtue of the fact that
it was based on a two-year study of the internal documents of one of the power
centers. Quigley traces the history of the power elite:
... the powers of financial capitalism had another
far reaching aim, nothing less than to create a world system of financial
control in private hands able to dominate the political system of each country
and the economy of the world as a whole.
Quigley also demonstrates that the Council on Foreign
Relations, the National Planning Association, and other groups are
"semi-secret" policy-making bodies under the control of this power
elite.
In the following tabular presentation we have listed
five such revisionist books, including Quigley's. Their essential theses and
compatibility with the three volumes of the "Wall Street" series are
summarized. It is surprising that in the three major historical events noted,
Carroll Quigley is not at all consistent with the "Wall Street"
series evidence. Quigley goes a long way to provide evidence for the existence of the power elite, but does
not penetrate the operations of the
elite.
Possibly, the papers used by Quigley had been vetted,
and did not include documentation on elitist manipulation of such events as the
Bolshevik Revolution, Hitler's accession to power, and the election of
Roosevelt in 1933. More likely, these political manipulations may not be
recorded at all in the files of the power groups. They may have been unrecorded
actions by a small ad hoc segment of
the elite. It is noteworthy that the documents used by this author came from
government sources, recording the day-to-day actions of Trotsky, Lenin,
Roosevelt, Hitler, J.P. Morgan and the various firms and banks involved.
On the other hand, such authors as Jules Archer, Gary
Allen, Helen P. Lasell, and William Domhoff, writing from widely different
political standpoints2 are consistent with the "Wall
Street" evidence. These writers present a hypothesis of a power elite
manipulating the U.S. Government. The "Wall Street" series
demonstrates how this hypothesized "power elite" has manipulated
specific historical events.
Obviously any such exercise of unconstrained and
supra-legal power is unconstitutional, even though wrapped in the fabric of
law-abiding actions. We can therefore legitimately raise the question of the
existence of a subversive force operating to remove constitutionally guaranteed
rights.
Twentieth-century history, as recorded in
Establishment textbooks and journals, is inaccurate. It is a history which is
based solely upon those official documents which various Administrations have
seen fit to release for public consumption.
But an accurate history cannot be based on a
selective release of documentary archives. Accuracy requires access to all
documents. In practice, as previously classified documents in the U.S. State
Department files, the British Foreign Office, and the German Foreign Ministry
archives and other depositories are acquired, a new version of history has
emerged; the prevailing Establishment version is seen to be, not only
inaccurate, but designed to hide a pervasive fabric of deceit and immoral
conduct.
The center of political power, as authorized by the
U.S. Constitution, is with an elected Congress and an elected President,
working within the framework and under the constraints of a Constitution, as
interpreted by an unbiased Supreme Court. We have in the past assumed that political power is
consequently carefully exercised by the Executive and legislative branch, after
due deliberation and assessment of the wishes of the electorate. In fact,
nothing could be further from this assumption. The electorate has long
suspected, but now knows, that political promises are worth nothing. Lies are
the order of the day for policy implementers. Wars are started (and stopped)
with no shred of coherent explanation. Political words have never matched
political deeds. Why not? Apparently because the center of political power has
been elsewhere than with elected and presumably responsive representatives in
Washington, and this power elite has its own objectives, which are inconsistent
with those of the public at large.
In this three-volume series we have identified for
three historical events the seat of political power in the United States — the
power behind the scenes, the hidden influence on Washington — as that of the
financial establishment in New York: the private international bankers, more
specifically the financial houses of J.P. Morgan, the Rockefeller-controlled
Chase Manhattan Bank, and in earlier days (before amalgamation of their
Manhattan Bank with the former Chase Bank), the Warburgs.
The United States has, in spite of the Constitution
and its supposed constraints, become a quasi-totalitarian state. While we do
not (yet) have. the overt trappings of dictatorship, the concentration camps
and the knock on the door at midnight, we most certainly do have threats and
actions aimed at the survival of non-Establishment critics, use of the Internal
Revenue Service to bring dissidents in line, and manipulation of the
Constitution by a court system that is politically subservient to the
Establishment.
It is in the pecuniary interests of the international
bankers to centralize political power — and this centralization can best be
achieved within a collectivist society, such as socialist Russia, national
socialist Germany, or a Fabian socialist United States.
There can be no full understanding and appreciation
of twentieth-century American politics and foreign policy without the
realization that this financial elite effectively monopolizes Washington
policy.
In case after case, newly released documentation
implicates this elite and confirms this hypothesis. The revisionist versions of
the entry of the United States into World Wars I and II, Korea, and Vietnam
reveal the influence and objectives of this elite.
For most of the twentieth century the Federal Reserve
System, particularly the Federal Reserve Bank of New York (which is outside the
control of Congress, unaudited and uncontrolled, with the power to print money
and create credit at will), has exercised a virtual monopoly over the direction
of the American economy. In foreign affairs the Council on Foreign Relations,
superficially an innocent forum for academics, businessmen, and politicians,
contains within its shell, perhaps unknown to many of its members, a power
center that unilaterally determines U.S. foreign policy. The major objective of
this submerged — and obviously subversive — foreign. policy is the acquisition
of markets and economic power (profits, if
you will), for a small group of giant multi-nationals under the virtual control
of a few banking investment houses and controlling families.
Through foundations controlled by this elite,
research by compliant and spineless academics, "conservatives" as
well as "liberals," has been directed into channels useful for the
objectives of the elite essentially to maintain this subversive and
unconstitutional power apparatus.
Through publishing houses controlled by this same
financial elite unwelcome books have been squashed and useful books promoted;
fortunately publishing has few barriers to entry and is almost atomistically
competitive. Through control of a dozen or so major newspapers, run by editors
who think alike, public information can be almost orchestrated at will.
Yesterday, the space program; today, an energy crisis or a campaign for
ecology; tomorrow, a war in the Middle East or some other manufactured
"crisis."
The total result of this manipulation of society by
the Establishment elite has been four major wars in sixty years, a crippling
national debt, abandonment of the Constitution, suppression of freedom and
opportunity, and creation of a vast credibility gulf between the man in the
street and Washington, D.C. While the transparent device of two major parties
trumpeting artificial differences, circus-like conventions, and the cliche of
"bipartisan foreign policy" no longer carries credibility, and the
financial elite itself recognizes that its policies lack public acceptance, it
is obviously prepared to go it alone without even nominal public support.
In brief, we now have to consider and debate whether
this New York-based elitist Establishment is a subversive force operating with
deliberation and knowledge to suppress the Constitution and a free society.
That will be the task ahead in the next decade.
The arena for this debate and the basis for our
charges of subversion is the evidence provided by the revisionist historian.
Slowly, over decades, book by book, almost line by line, the truth of recent
history has emerged as documents are released, probed, analyzed, and set within
a more valid historical framework.
Let us consider a few examples. American entry into
World War II was supposedly precipitated, according to the Establishment
version, by the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. Revisionists have established
that Franklin D. Roosevelt and General Marshall knew of the impending Japanese attack and did nothing to warn the
Pearl Harbor military authorities. The Establishment wanted war with Japan.
Subsequently, the Establishment made certain that Congressional investigation
of Pearl Harbor would fit the Roosevelt whitewash. In the words of Percy
Greaves, chief research expert for the Republican minority on the Joint
Congressional Committee investigating Pearl Harbor:
The complete facts will never be known. Most of the
so-called investigations have been attempts to suppress, mislead, or confuse
those who seek the truth. From the beginning to the end, facts and files have
been withheld so as to reveal only those items of information which benefit the
administration under investigation. Those seeking the truth are told that other
facts or documents cannot be revealed because they are intermingled in personal
diaries, pertain to our relations with foreign countries, or are sworn to
contain no information of value.3
But this was not the first attempt to bring the
United States into war, or the last. The Morgan interests, in concert with
Winston Churchill, tried to bring the U.S. into World War I as early as 1915
and succeeded in doing so in 1917. Colin Thompson's Lusitania implicates President Woodrow Wilson in the sinking of the
Lusitania — a horror device to
generate a public backlash to draw the United States into war with Germany.
Thompson demonstrates that Woodrow Wilson knew four darts beforehand that the Lusitania
was carrying six-million rounds of ammunition plus explosives, and
therefore, "passengers who proposed to sail on that vessel were sailing in
violation of statute of this country."4
The British Board of Inquiry under Lord Mersey was instructed by the British Government
"that it is considered politically expedient that Captain Turner, the
master of the Lusitania, be most
prominently blamed for the disaster."
In retrospect, given Colin Thompson's evidence, the
blame is more fairly to be attributed to President Wilson, "Colonel"
House, J.P. Morgan, and Winston Churchill; this conspiratorial elite should
have been brought to trial for willful negligence, if not treason. It is to
Lord Mersey's eternal credit that after performing his "duty" under
instructions from His Majesty's government, and placing the blame on Captain
Turner, he resigned, rejected his fee, and from that date on refused to handle
British government commissions. To his friends Lord Mersey would only say about
the Lusitania case that it was a
"dirty business."
Then in 1933-4 came the attempt by the Morgan firm to
install a fascist dictatorship in the United States. In the words of Jules
Archer, it was planned to be a Fascist putsch
to take over the government and "run
it under a dictator on behalf of America's bankers and
industrialists."5 Again, a
single courageous individual emerged — General Smedley Darlington Butler, who
blew the whistle on the Wall Street conspiracy. And once again Congress stands
out, particularly Congressmen Dickstein and MacCormack, by its gutless refusal
to do no more than conduct a token whitewash investigation.
Since World War II we have seen the Korean War and
the Vietnamese War — meaningless, meandering no-win wars costly in dollars and
lives, with no other major purpose but to generate multibillion-dollar
armaments contracts. Certainly these wars were not fought to restrain
communism, because for fifty years the Establishment has been nurturing and
subsidizing the Soviet Union which supplied armaments to the other sides in
both wars — Korea and Vietnam. So our revisionist history will show that the
United States directly or indirectly armed both sides in at least Korea and
Vietnam.
In the assassination of President Kennedy, to take a
domestic example, it is difficult to find anyone who today accepts the findings
of the Warren Commission — except perhaps the members of that Commission. Yet
key evidence is still hidden from public eyes for 50 to 75 years. The Watergate
affair demonstrated even to the man in the street that the White House can be a
vicious nest of intrigue and deception.
Of all recent history the story of Operation Keelhaul6 is perhaps
the most disgusting. Operation Keelhaul was the forced repatriation of millions
of Russians at the orders of President (then General) Dwight D. Eisenhower, in
direct violation of the Geneva Convention of 1929 and the long-standing
American tradition of political refuge. Operation Keelhaul, which contravenes
all our ideas of elementary decency and individual freedom, was undertaken at
the direct orders of General Eisenhower and, we may now presume, was a part of
a long-range program of nurturing collectivism, whether it be Soviet communism'
Hitler's Nazism, or FDR's New Deal. Yet until recent publication of documentary
evidence by Julius Epstein, anyone who dared to suggest Eisenhower would betray
millions of innocent individuals for political purposes was viciously and
mercilessly attacked.7
What this revisionist history really teaches us is
that our willingness as individual citizens to surrender political power to an
elite has cost the world approximately two-hundred-million persons killed from
1820 to 1975. Add to that untold misery the concentration camps, the political
prisoners, the suppression and oppression of those who try to bring the truth
to light.
When will it all stop? It will not stop until we act
upon one simple axiom: that the power system continues only so long as individuals want it to continue, and it
will continue only so long as individuals
try to get something for nothing. The day when a majority of individuals
declares or acts as if it wants nothing from government, declares it will look
after its own welfare and interests, then on that day power elites are doomed. The attraction to "go along" with power elites
is the attraction of something for nothing. That is the bait. The Establishment
always offers something for nothing; but the something is taken from someone
else, as taxes or plunder, and awarded elsewhere in exchange for political
support.
Periodic crises and wars are used to whip up support
for other plunder-reward cycles which in effect tighten the noose around our
individual liberties. And of course we have hordes of academic sponges, amoral
businessmen, and just plain hangers-on, to act as non-productive recipients for
the plunder.
Stop the circle of plunder and immoral reward and
elitist structures collapse. But not until a majority finds the moral courage
and the internal fortitude to reject the something-for-nothing con game and
replace it by voluntary associations, voluntary communes, or local rule and
decentralized societies, will the killing and the plunder cease.
Footnotes:
1Carroll Quigley, Tragedy and Hope, op. cit.
2There are many others; the author selected more or
less at random two conservatives (Allen and Lasell) and two liberals (Archer
and Domhoff),
3Percy L. Greaves, Jr., "The Pearl Harbor
Investigation," in Harry Elmer Harnes, Perpetual
War for Perpetual Peace, (Caldwell: Caxton Printers, 1953), p, 13-20.
4Colin Simpson, Lusitania,
(London: Longman, 1972), p, 252.
5Jules Archer, The
Plot to Seize the White House, (New York: Hawthorn Book, 1973), p. 202.
6See Julius Epstein, Operation Keelhaul, (Old Greenwich: Devin Adair, 1973).
7See for example Robert Welch, The Politician, (Belmont, Mass.: Belmont Publishing Co., 1963).
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