How the Government Killed Martin Luther King, Jr.
Shot
down by the Memphis PD’s top sharpshooter – with backup by US Army snipers on a
nearby rooftop
By
Carl Gibson – Reader Supported News
Before scoffing at this headline, you
should know that in 1999, in Memphis, Tennessee, more than three decades
after
MLK’s death, a jury found local, state, and federal government agencies
guilty of conspiring to assassinate the Nobel Peace Prize
winner and civil rights leader.
The
same media you would expect to cover such a monumental decision was absent at
the trial, because those news organizations were part of that conspiracy.
William F. Pepper, who was James Earl Ray’s first attorney, called over 70
witnesses to the stand to testify on every aspect of the assassination. The
panel, which consisted of an even mix of both black and white jurors, took only
an hour of deliberation to find Loyd Jowers and other defendants guilty. If
you’re skeptical of any factual claims made here, click here for a full transcript, broken
into individual sections. Read the testimonies yourself if you don’t want to
take my word for it.
http://youtu.be/0lg1EBXYjvE
It
really isn’t that radical a thing to expect this government to kill someone who
threatened their authority and had the power to organize millions to protest
it. When MLK was killed on April 4, 1968, he was speaking to sanitation workers in Memphis, who were
organizing to fight poverty wages and ruthless working conditions. He was an outspoken critic of the government’s war
in Vietnam, and his power to organize threatened the moneyed corporate
interests who were profiting from the war. At the time of his death, he was
gearing up for the Poor People’s Campaign, an effort to get
people to camp out on the National Mall to demand anti-poverty legislation –
essentially the first inception of the Occupy Wall Street movement. The government
perceived him as a threat, and had him killed. James Earl Ray was the
designated fall guy, and a complicit media, taking its cues from a government
in fear of MLK, helped sell the “official” story of the assassination. Here’s
how they did it.
The Setup
The
defendant in the 1999 civil trial, Loyd Jowers, had been a Memphis PD officer in the 1940s. He owned
a restaurant called Jim’s Grill, a staging ground to orchestrate MLK’s
assassination underneath the rooming house where the corporate media alleges
James Earl Ray shot Dr. King. During the trial, William Pepper, the plaintiff’s
attorney, played a tape of an incriminating 1998 conversation between Jowers,
UN Ambassador Andrew Young, and Dexter King, MLK’s son. Young testified that
Jowers told them he “wanted to get right with God before he died, wanted to
confess it and be free of it.”
On the
tape, Jowers mentions that those present at the meetings included MPD officer Marrell McCollough,
Earl Clark, an MPD lieutenant and known as the department’s best marksman,
another MPD officer, and two men who were unknown to Jowers but whom he assumed
to be representatives of federal agencies. While Dr. King was in Memphis, he
was under open or eye-to-eye federal surveillance by the 111th Military
Intelligence Group based at Fort McPherson in Atlanta, Georgia. Memphis PD
intelligence officer Eli Arkin even admitted to having the group in his own
office. During his last visit to Memphis in late March of 1968, MLK was under
covert surveillance, meaning his room at the Rivermont was bugged and wired.
Even if he went out to the balcony to speak, his words were recorded via relay.
William Pepper alleges in his closing argument during King v. Jowers that such
covert surveillance was usually done by the Army Security Agency, implying the
involvement of at least two federal agencies.
Jowers
also gave an interview to Sam Donaldson on “Prime Time Live” in 1993. The
transcript of the interview was read during the trial, and it was revealed that
Jowers openly talked about being asked by produce warehouse owner Frank Liberto
to help with MLK’s murder. Liberto had mafia connections, and sent a courier
with $100,000 to Jowers, who owned a local restaurant, with instructions to
hold the money at his restaurant.
John
McFerren owned a store in Memphis and was making a pickup at Liberto’s
warehouse at 5:15 p.m. on April 4th, roughly 45 minutes before the
assassination. McFerren testified that he overheard Liberto tell someone over
the phone, “Shoot the son of a bitch on the balcony.” Other witnesses who
testified included café owner Lavada Addison, who was friends with Liberto in
the 1970s. She recalled him confiding to her that he “had Martin Luther King
killed.” Addison’s son, Nathan Whitlock, also testified. He asked Liberto if he
killed MLK, and he responded, “I didn’t kill the nigger but I had it done.”
When Whitlock pressed him about James Earl Ray, Liberto replied, “He wasn’t
nothing but a troublemaker from Missouri. He was a front man … a setup man.”
The
back door of Loyd Jowers’ establishment led to a thick crop of bushes across
the street from the Lorraine Motel balcony where Dr. King was shot. On the
taped confession to Andrew Young and Dexter King, Jowers says after he heard
the shot, Lt. Earl Clark, who is now deceased, laid a smoking rifle at the rear
of his restaurant. Jowers then disassembled the rifle, wrapped it in a
tablecloth and prepared it for disposal.
The corporate media says it was James Earl
Ray who shot MLK, and he did it from the 2nd floor bathroom window of the rooming
house across the street from the Lorraine Motel. The official account alleges
the murder weapon was dropped in a bundle and abandoned at Dan Canipe’s
storefront just before he made his getaway. But even those authorities and
media admit that the bullet that tore through MLK’s throat didn’t have the same
metallurgical composition as the bullets in the rifle left behind by James Earl
Ray. And Judge Joe Brown, a weapons expert called to testify by Pepper in the
1999 trial, said the rifle allegedly used by James Earl Ray had a scope that
was never sighted in, meaning that the weapon in question would have fired far
to the left and far below the target.
The
actual murder weapon was disposed of by taxi driver James McCraw, a friend of
Jowers. William Hamblin testified in King v. Jowers that McCraw told him this
story over a 15-year period whenever he got drunk. McCraw repeatedly told
Hamblin that he threw the rifle over the Memphis-Arkansas bridge, meaning that
the rifle is at the bottom of the Mississippi river to this day. And according
to Hamblin’s testimony, Canipe said he saw the bundle dropped in front of his
store before the actual shooting occurred.
The Conspiracy
To make
Dr. King vulnerable, plans had to be made to remove him from his security
detail and anyone sympathetic who could be a witness or interfere with the
killing. Two black firefighters, Floyd Newsum and Norvell Wallace, who were
working at Fire Station #2 across the street from the Lorraine Motel, were each
transferred to different fire stations. Newsum was a civil rights activist and
witnessed MLK’s last speech to the striking Memphis sanitation workers, “I Have
Seen the Mountaintop,” before getting the call about his transfer. Newsum
testified that he wasn’t needed at his new assignment, and that his transfer
meant that Fire Station #2 would be out of commission unless someone else was
sent there in his stead. Newsum talked about having to make a series of
inquiries before finally learning that his reassignment had been ordered by the
Memphis Police Department. Wallace testified that to that very day, while the
official explanation was a vague death threat, he hadn’t once received a
satisfactory answer as to why he was suddenly reassigned.
Ed Redditt, a black MPD detective who was
assigned to MLK’s security detail, was also removed from the scene an hour
before the shooting and sent home, and the only reason given was a vague death
threat. Jerry Williams, another black MPD
detective, was usually tasked with assembling a security team of black police
officers for Dr. King. But he testified that on the night of the assassination,
he wasn’t assigned to form that team.
There
was a Black Panther-inspired group called The Invaders, who were staying at the
Lorraine Motel to help MLK organize a planned march with the striking garbage
workers. The Invaders were ordered to leave the motel after getting into an
argument with members of MLK’s entourage. The origins of the argument are
unclear, though several sources affirm that The Invaders had been infiltrated
by Marrell McCollough of the MPD, who later went on to work for the CIA. And
finally, the Tact 10 police escort of several MPD cars that accompanied Dr. King’s
security detail were pulled back the day before the shooting by Inspector
Evans. With all possible obstacles out of the way, MLK was all alone just
before the assassination.
The Cover-Up
Around
7 a.m. on April 5, the morning after the shooting, MPD Inspector Sam Evans
called Public Works Administrator Maynard Stiles and told him to have a crew destroy the crop of bushes
adjacent to the rooming house above Loyd Jowers’ restaurant. This is
particularly odd coming from a policeman, since the bushes were in a crime
scene area, and crime scene areas are normally roped off, not to be disturbed.
The official narrative of a sniper in the bathroom at the rooming house was
then reinforced, since a sniper firing from an empty clearing would be far more
visible than one hidden behind a thick crop of bushes.
Normally,
when a major political figure is murdered, all possible witnesses are
questioned and asked to make statements. But Memphis PD neglected to conduct
even a basic house-to-house investigation. Olivia Catling, a resident of nearby
Mulberry Street just a block away from the shooting, testified that she saw a
man leave an alley next to the rooming house across from the Lorraine, climb
into a Green 1965 Chevrolet, and speed away, burning rubber right in front of
several police cars without any interference. There was also no questioning of
Captain Weiden, a Memphis firefighter at the fire station closest to the Lorraine,
the same one from which Floyd Newsum had been transferred just a day before.
Memphis
PD and the FBI also suppressed the statements of Ray Hendricks and William
Reed, who said they saw James Earl Ray’s white mustang parked in front of
Jowers’ restaurant, before seeing it again driving away as they crossed another
street. Ray’s alibi was that he had driven away from the scene to fix a tire,
and these two statements that affirmed his alibi were withheld from Ray’s
guilty plea jury.
The
jury present at Ray’s guilty plea hearing also wasn’t informed about the bullet
that killed MLK having different striations and markings than the other bullets
kept as evidence, nor that the bullet couldn’t be positively matched as coming
from the alleged murder weapon. Three days after entering the guilty plea,
James Earl Ray unsuccessfully attempted to retract it and demand a trial.
Incredibly, James Earl Ray turned down two separate bribes, one of which was
recorded by his brother Jerry Ray, where he was offered $220,000 by writer
William Bradford Huey and the guarantee of a full pardon if he would just agree
to have the story “Why I Killed Martin Luther King” written on his behalf.
The Deception
One of
the 70 witnesses that William F. Pepper called to testify in King v. Jowers was
Bill Schaap, a practicing attorney with particular experience in military law,
with bar credentials in New York, Chicago, and DC. Schaap testified at great
length about how the government, through the FBI and the CIA, puts people in
key positions on editorial boards at influential papers like the New York Times
and Washington Post. He describes that although these editorial board members
and news directors at cable news outlets may be liberal in their politics, they
always take the government’s side in national security-related stories. Before
you write that off as conspiracy theory, remember how people like Bill Keller at the New York Times, as well
as the Washington Post editorial board, all
cheerfully led the march to war in Iraq ten years
ago.
Another
King v. Jowers witness was Earl Caldwell, a New York Times reporter who was
sent to Memphis by an editor named Claude Sitton. Caldwell testified that the
orders from his editor were to “nail Dr. King.” In the publication’s effort to
sell the story of James Earl Ray as the murderer, the Times cited an
investigation into how Ray got the money for his Mustang, rifle, and the long
road trip to Tennessee from California. The Times said that according to their
own findings as well as the findings of federal agencies, Ray got the money by
robbing a bank in his hometown of Alton, Illinois. In Pepper’s closing
argument, he says that when he or Jerry Ray talked to the chief of police in
Alton, along with the bank president of the branch that was allegedly robbed,
neither said they had been approached by the New York Times, or by the FBI.
Essentially, the Times fabricated the entire story in order to sell a false
narrative that there was no government intervention and that James Earl Ray was
a lone wolf.
So for
the following 31 years after King’s death, nobody dared to question the
constant reiteration of James Earl Ray as the murderer of Martin Luther King.
Even 13 years after a jury found the government complicit in a conspiracy to
murder the civil rights leader, the complicit media continues to propagate the
false narrative they sold us three decades ago and vociferously shout down any
alternative theories as to what happened as “conspiracy theory,” framing those
putting forth such theories as wackjobs undeserving of any credibility. It’s
strikingly similar to how the Washington Post defended their warmongering in a recent
editorial commenting on the invasion of Iraq, and had one of their reporters defend the media’s leading of the charge
into Iraq.
As we
remember Dr. King and the important work he did, we should also reject the
official account of his death as loudly as the government and media shout down
anyone who tries to contradict their lies. As Edward R. Murrow said, “Most truths are so
naked that people feel sorry for them and cover them up, at least a little
bit.”
Carl Gibson, 25, is co-founder of US
Uncut, a nationwide creative direct-action movement that mobilized tens of
thousands of activists against corporate tax avoidance and budget cuts in the
months leading up to the Occupy Wall Street movement. Carl and other US Uncut
activists are featured in the documentary “We’re Not Broke,” which premiered at
the 2012 Sundance Film Festival. He currently lives in Madison, Wisconsin. You
can contact him at carl@rsnorg.org,
and follow him on twitter at @uncutCG.
Reader
Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to
republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported
News.
The
Army is thinning the ranks of civilian helicopter instructors at Fort Rucker
Alabama by imposing a 250-pound weight limit.
Kevin Barrett
Dr. Kevin
Barrett, a Ph.D. Arabist-Islamologist, is one of America’s best-known critics
of the War on Terror.
Dr. Barrett has appeared many times on Fox, CNN, PBS and other broadcast outlets, and has inspired feature stories and op-eds in the New York Times, the Christian Science Monitor, the Chicago Tribune, and other leading publications.
Dr. Barrett has taught at colleges and universities in San Francisco, Paris, and Wisconsin, where he ran for Congress in 2008. He currently works as a nonprofit organizer, author, and talk radio host.
Dr. Barrett has appeared many times on Fox, CNN, PBS and other broadcast outlets, and has inspired feature stories and op-eds in the New York Times, the Christian Science Monitor, the Chicago Tribune, and other leading publications.
Dr. Barrett has taught at colleges and universities in San Francisco, Paris, and Wisconsin, where he ran for Congress in 2008. He currently works as a nonprofit organizer, author, and talk radio host.
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