Appendix I
DIRECTORS OF MAJOR BANKS,
FIRMS, AND INSTITUTIONS
MENTIONED IN THIS BOOK
(AS IN 1917-1918)
CHASE NATIONAL BANK
|
|
J. N. Hill
|
Newcomb Carlton
|
A. B. Hepburn
|
D.C. Jackling
|
S. H. Miller
|
E.R. Tinker
|
C. M. Schwab
|
A.H. Wiggin
|
H. Bendicott
|
John J. Mitchell
|
Guy E. Tripp
|
EQUITABLE TRUST COMPANY (37-43 Wall Street)
|
|
Charles B. Alexander
|
Henry E. Huntington
|
Albert B. Boardman
|
Edward T. Jeffrey
|
Robert.C. Clowry
|
Otto H. Kahn
|
Howard E. Cole
|
Alvin W. Krech
|
Henry E. Cooper
|
James W. Lane
|
Paul D. Cravath
|
Hunter S. Marston
|
Franklin Wm. Cutcheon
|
Charles G. Meyer
|
Bertram Cutler
|
George Welwood Murray
|
Thomas de Witt Cuyler
|
Henry H. Pierce
|
Frederick W. Fuller
|
Winslow S. Pierce
|
Robert Goelet
|
Lyman Rhoades
|
Carl R. Gray
|
Walter C. Teagle
|
Charles Hayden
|
Henry Rogers Winthrop
|
Bertram G. Work
|
FEDERAL ADVISORY COUNCIL (1916)
|
Daniel
G. Wing, Boston, District No. 1
|
J.
P. Morgan, New York, District No. 2
|
Levi
L. Rue, Philadelphia, District No. 3
|
W.
S. Rowe, Cincinnati, District No. 4
|
J.
W. Norwood, Greenville, S.C., District No. 5
|
C.
A. Lyerly, Chattanooga, District No. 6
|
J.
B. Forgan, Chicago, Pres., District No. 7
|
Frank
O. Watts, St. Louis, District No. 8
|
C.
T. Jaffray, Minneapolis, District No. 9
|
E.
F. Swinney, Kansas City, District No. 10
|
T.
J. Record, Paris, District No. 11
|
Herbert
Fleishhacker, San Francisco, District No. 12
|
FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF NEW YORK (120
Broadway)
|
|
William Woodward (1917)
|
Class A
|
Robert H. Treman (1918)
|
|
Franklin D. Locke (1919)
|
|
|
|
Charles A. Stone (1920)
|
Class B
|
Wm. B. Thompson (1918)
|
|
L. R. Palmer (1919)
|
|
|
|
Pierre Jay (1917)
|
Class C
|
George F. Peabody (1919)
|
|
William Lawrence Saunders (1920)
|
FEDERAL RESERVE BOARD
|
|
William G. M'Adoo
|
Adolph C. Miller (1924)
|
Charles S. Hamlin ( 1916)
|
Frederic A. Delano (1920)
|
Paul M. Warburg (1918)
|
W.P.G. Harding (1922)
|
John Skelton Williams
|
GUARANTY TRUST COMPANY (140 Broadway)
|
|
Alexander J. Hemphill (Chairman)
|
|
Charles H. Allen
|
Edgar L. Marston
|
A. C. Bedford
|
Grayson M-P Murphy
|
Edward J. Berwind
|
Charles A. Peabody
|
W. Murray Crane
|
William C. Potter
|
T. de Witt Cuyler
|
John S. Runnells
|
James B. Duke
|
Thomas F. Ryan
|
Caleb C. Dula
|
Charles H. Sabin
|
Robert W. Goelet
|
John W. Spoor
|
Daniel Guggenheim
|
Albert Straus
|
W. Averell Harriman
|
Harry P. Whitney
|
Albert H. Harris
|
Thomas E. Wilson
|
Walter D. Hines
|
London
Committee:
|
Augustus D. Julliard
|
Arthur J. Fraser (Chairman)
|
Thomas W. Lamont
|
Cecil F. Parr
|
William C. Lane
|
Robert Callander
|
NATIONAL CITY BANK
|
|
P. A. S. Franklin
|
P.A. Rockefeller
|
J.P. Grace
|
James Stillman
|
G. H. Dodge
|
W. Rockefeller
|
H. A. C. Taylor
|
J. O. Armour
|
R. S. Lovett
|
J.W. Sterling
|
F. A. Vanderlip
|
J.A. Stillman
|
G. H. Miniken
|
M.T. Pyne
|
E. P. Swenson
|
E.D. Bapst
|
Frank Trumbull
|
J.H. Post
|
Edgar Palmer
|
W.C. Procter
|
NATIONALBANK FÜR DEUTSCHLAND
|
|
(As in 1914, Hjalmar Schacht joined board in
1918)
|
|
Emil Wittenberg
|
Hans Winterfeldt
|
Hjalmar Schacht
|
Th Marba
|
Martin Schiff
|
Paul Koch
|
Franz Rintelen
|
SINCLAIR CONSOLIDATED OIL CORPORATION (120
Broadway)
|
|
Harry F. Sinclair
|
James N. Wallace
|
H. P. Whitney
|
Edward H. Clark
|
Wm. E. Corey
|
Daniel C. Jackling
|
Wm. B. Thompson
|
Albert H. Wiggin
|
J. G. WHITE ENGINEERING CORPORATION
|
|
James Brown
|
C.E. Bailey
|
Douglas Campbell
|
J.G. White
|
G. C. Clark, Jr.
|
Gano Dunn
|
Bayard Dominick, Jr.
|
E.G. Williams
|
A. G. Hodenpyl
|
A.S. Crane
|
T. W. Lamont
|
H.A. Lardner
|
Marion McMillan
|
G.H. Kinniat
|
J. H. Pardee
|
A.F. Kountz
|
G. H. Walbridge
|
R.B. Marchant
|
E. N. Chilson
|
Henry Parsons
|
A.
N. Connett
|
Appendix II
THE JEWISH-CONSPIRACY THEORY OF THE BOLSHEVIK
REVOLUTION
There is an extensive literature in English, French, and German reflecting the argument that the Bolshevik Revolution was the result of a "Jewish conspiracy"; more specifically, a conspiracy by Jewish world bankers. Generally, world control is seen as the ultimate objective; the Bolshevik Revolution was but one phase of a wider program that supposedly reflects an age-old religious struggle between Christianity and the "forces of darkness."
The argument
and its variants can be found in the most surprising places and from quite
surprising persons. In February 1920 Winston Churchill wrote an article —
rarely cited today — for the London
Illustrated Sunday Herald entitled "Zionism
Versus Bolshevism." In this' article Churchill concluded that it was
"particularly important... that the National Jews in every country who are
loyal to the land of their adoption should come forward on every occasion . . .
and take a prominent part in every measure for combatting the Bolshevik
conspiracy." Churchill draws a line between "national Jews" and
what he calls "international Jews." He argues that the
"international and for the most atheistical Jews" certainly had a
"very great" role in the creation of Bolshevism and bringing about the
Russian Revolution. He asserts (contrary to fact) that with the exception of
Lenin, "the majority" of the leading figures in the revolution were
Jewish, and adds (also contrary to fact) that in many cases Jewish interests
and Jewish places of worship were excepted by the Bolsheviks from their
policies of seizure. Churchill calls the international Jews a "sinister
confederacy" emergent from the persecuted populations of countries where
Jews have been persecuted on account of their race. Winston Churchill traces
this movement back to Spartacus-Weishaupt, throws his literary net around
Trotsky, Bela Kun, Rosa Luxemburg, and Emma Goldman, and charges: "This
world-wide conspiracy for the overthrow of civilisation and for the
reconstitution of society on the basis of arrested development, of envious
malevolence, and impossible equality, has been steadily growing."
Churchill then
argues that this conspiratorial Spartacus-Weishaupt group has been the
mainspring of every subversive movement in the nineteenth century. While
pointing out that Zionism and Bolshevism are competing for the soul of the
Jewish people, Churchill (in 1920) was preoccupied with the role of the Jew in
the Bolshevik Revolution and the existence of a worldwide Jewish conspiracy.
Another
well-known author in the 1920s, Henry Wickham Steed describes in the second
volume of his Through 30 Years 1892-1922 (p.
302) how he attempted to bring the Jewish-conspiracy concept to the attention
of Colonel Edward M. House and President Woodrow Wilson. One day in March 1919
Wickham Steed called Colonel House and found him disturbed over Steed's recent
criticism of U.S. recognition of the Bolsheviks. Steed pointed out to House
that Wilson would be discredited among the many peoples and nations of Europe
and "insisted that, unknown to him, the prime movers were Jacob Schiff,
Warburg and other international financiers, who wished above all to bolster up
the Jewish Bolshevists in order to secure a field for German and Jewish
exploitation of Russia."1 According to Steed, Colonel House argued
for the establishment of economic relations with the Soviet Union.
Probably the
most superficially damning collection of documents on the Jewish conspiracy is
in the State Department Decimal File (861.00/5339). The central document is one
entitled "Bolshevism and Judaism," dated November 13, 1918. The text
is in the form of a report, which states that the revolution in Russia was
engineered "in February 1916" and "it was found that the
following persons and firms were engaged in this destructive work":
(1) Jacob Schiff
|
Jew
|
|
(2) Kuhn, Loeb & Company
|
Jewish Firm
|
|
Management:
|
Jacob Schiff
|
Jew
|
|
Felix Warburg
|
Jew
|
|
Otto H. Kahn
|
Jew
|
|
Mortimer L. Schiff
|
Jew
|
|
Jerome J. Hanauer
|
Jew
|
(3) Guggenheim
|
Jew
|
|
(4) Max Breitung
|
Jew
|
|
(5) Isaac Seligman
|
Jew
|
The report goes
on to assert that there can be no doubt that the Russian Revolution was started
and engineered by this group and that in April 1917
Jacob Schiff in
fact made a public announcement and it was due to his financial influence that
the Russian revolution was successfully accomplished and in the Spring 1917
Jacob Schitf started to finance Trotsky, a Jew, for the purpose of
accomplishing a social revolution in Russia.
The report
contains other miscellaneous information about Max Warburg's financing of
Trotsky, the role of the Rheinish-Westphalian syndicate and Olof Aschberg of
the Nya Banken (Stockholm) together with Jivotovsky. The anonymous author
(actually employed by the U.S. War Trade Board)2 states that the links between these
organizations and their financing of the Bolshevik Revolution show how
"the link between Jewish multi-millionaires and Jewish proletarians was
forged." The report goes on to list a large number of Bolsheviks who were
also Jews and then describes the actions of Paul Warburg, Judus Magnes, Kuhn,
Loeb & Company, and Speyer & Company.
The report ends
with a barb at "International Jewry" and places the argument into the
context of a Christian-Jewish conflict backed up by quotations from the
Protocols of Zion. Accompanying this report is a series of cables between the
State Department in Washington and the American embassy in London concerning
the steps to be taken with these documents:3
5399 Great
Britain, TEL. 3253 i pm
October
16, 1919 In Confidential File
Secret for Winslow from Wright. Financial aid to Bolshevism & Bolshevik Revolution in Russia from prominent Am. Jews: Jacob Schiff, Felix Warburg, Otto Kahn, Mendell Schiff, Jerome Hanauer, Max Breitung & one of the Guggenheims. Document re- in possession of Brit. police authorities from French sources. Asks for any facts re-.
Secret for Winslow from Wright. Financial aid to Bolshevism & Bolshevik Revolution in Russia from prominent Am. Jews: Jacob Schiff, Felix Warburg, Otto Kahn, Mendell Schiff, Jerome Hanauer, Max Breitung & one of the Guggenheims. Document re- in possession of Brit. police authorities from French sources. Asks for any facts re-.
* * * * *
Oct. 17 Great
Britain TEL. 6084, noon r c-h 5399 Very secret. Wright from Winslow. Financial
aid to Bolshevik revolution in Russia from prominent Am. Jews. No proof re- but
investigating. Asks to urge Brit. authorities to suspend publication at least
until receipt of document by Dept.
* * * * *
Nov. 28 Great
Britain TEL. 6223 R 5 pro. 5399
FOR WRIGHT. Document re financial aid to Bolsheviki by prominent American jews. Reports — identified as French translation of a statement originally prepared in English by Russian citizen in Am. etc. Seem most unwise to give — the distinction of publicity.
FOR WRIGHT. Document re financial aid to Bolsheviki by prominent American jews. Reports — identified as French translation of a statement originally prepared in English by Russian citizen in Am. etc. Seem most unwise to give — the distinction of publicity.
It was agreed
to suppress this material and the files conclude, "I think we have the
whole thing in cold storage."
Another
document marked "Most Secret" is included with this batch of
material. The provenance of the document is unknown; it is perhaps FBI or
military intelligence. It reviews a translation of the Protocols of the
Meetings of the Wise Men of Zion, and concludes:
In this
connection a letter was sent to Mr. W. enclosing a memorandum from us with
regard to certain information from the American Military Attache to the effect
that the British authorities had letters intercepted from various groups of
international Jews setting out a scheme for world dominion. Copies of this
material will be very useful to us.
This
information was apparently developed and a later British intelligence report
makes the flat accusation:
SUMMARY: There
is now definite evidence that Bolshevism is an international movement
controlled by Jews; communications are passing between the leaders in America,
France, Russia and England with a view to concerted action....4
However, none
of the above statements can be supported with hard empirical evidence. The most
significant information is contained in the paragraph to the effect that the
British authorities possessed "letters intercepted from various groups of
international Jews setting out a scheme for world dominion." If indeed
such letters exist, then they would provide support (or nonsupport) for a
presently unsubstantiated hypothesis: to wit, that the Bolshevik Revolution and
other revolutions are the work of a worldwide Jewish conspiracy.
Moreover, when
statements and assertions are not supported by hard evidence and where attempts
to unearth hard evidence lead in a circle back to the starting point —
particularly when everyone is quoting everyone else — then we must reject the
story as spurious. There is no concrete
evidence that Jews were involved in the Bolshevik Revolution because they were
Jewish. There may indeed have been a higher proportion of Jews involved,
but given tsarist treatment of Jews, what else would we expect? There were
probably many Englishmen or persons of English origin in the American
Revolution fighting the redcoats. So what? Does that make the American
Revolution an English conspiracy? Winston Churchill's statement that Jews had a
"very great role" in the Bolshevik Revolution is supported only by
distorted evidence. The list of Jews involved in the Bolshevik Revolution must
be weighed against lists of non-Jews involved in the revolution. When this
scientific procedure is adopted, the proportion of foreign Jewish Bolsheviks
involved falls to less than twenty percent of the total number of
revolutionaries — and these Jews were mostly deported, murdered, or sent to
Siberia in the following years. Modern Russia has in fact maintained tsarist
anti-Semitism.
It is
significant that documents in the State Department files confirm that the
investment banker Jacob Schiff, often cited as a source of funds for the
Bolshevik Revolution, was in fact against
support of the Bolshevik regime.5 This position, as we shall see, was in
direct contrast to the Morgan-Rockefeller promotion of the Bolsheviks.
The persistence
with which the Jewish-conspiracy myth has been pushed suggests that it may well
be a deliberate device to divert attention from the real issues and the real
causes. The evidence provided in this book suggests that the New York bankers
who were also Jewish had relatively minor roles in supporting the Bolsheviks,
while the New York bankers who were also Gentiles (Morgan, Rockefeller,
Thompson) had major roles.
What better way
to divert attention from the real operators
than by the medieval bogeyman of anti-Semitism?
Footnotes:
1See Appendix 3
for Schiff's actual role.
2The anonymous
author was a Russian employed by the U.S. War Trade Board. One of the three
directors of the U.S. War Trade Board at this time was John Foster Dulles.
3U.S. State Dept.
Decimal File, 861.00/5399.
4Great Britain,
Directorate of Intelligence, A Monthly
Review of the Progress of Revolutionary Movements Abroad, no. 9, July 16,
1913 (861.99/5067).
5See Appendix 3.
Appendix III
SELECTED DOCUMENTS FROM
GOVERNMENT FILES OF THE
UNITED STATES AND GREAT BRITAIN
Note: Some
documents comprise several papers that form a related group.
DOCUMENT NO. 1 Cable from Ambassador Francis in
Petrograd to U.S. State Department and related letter from Secretary of State
Robert Lansing to President Woodrow Wilson (March 17, 1917)
DOCUMENT NO. 2 British Foreign Office document
(October 1917) claiming Kerensky was in the pay of the German government and
aiding the Bolsheviks
DOCUMENT NO. 3 Jacob Schiff of Kuhn, Loeb &
Company and his position on the Kerensky and Bolshevik regimes (November 1918)
DOCUMENT NO. 4 Memorandum from William Boyce
Thompson, director of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, to the British
prime minister David Lloyd George (December 1917)
DOCUMENT NO. 5 Letter from Felix Frankfurter to
Soviet agent Santeri Nuorteva (May 9, 1918)
DOCUMENT NO. 6 Personnel of the Soviet Bureau, New
York, 1920; list from the New York State Lusk Committee files
DOCUMENT NO. 7 Letter from National City Bank to the
U.S. Treasury referring to Ludwig Martens and Dr. Julius Hammer (April 15,
1919)
DOCUMENT NO. 8 Letter from Soviet agent William
(Bill) Bobroff to Kenneth Durant (August 3, 1920)
DOCUMENT NO. 9 Memo referring to a member of the J.
P. Morgan firm and the British director of propaganda Lord Northcliffe (April
13, 1918)
DOCUMENT NO. 10 State Department Memo (May 29, 1922)
regarding General Electric Co.
DOCUMENT NO. 1
Cable from Ambassador Francis in Petrograd to the
Department of State in Washington, D.C., dated March 14, 1917, and reporting
the first stage of the Russian Revolution (861.00/273).
Petrograd
Dated March 14, 1917,
Recd. 15th, 2:30 a.m.
Secretary of State,
Washington
Washington
1287. Unable to send a cablegram since the eleventh.
Revolutionists have absolute control in Petrograd and are making strenuous
efforts to preserve order, which successful except in rare instances. No
cablegrams since your 1251 of the ninth, received March eleventh. Provisional
government organized under the authority of the Douma which refused to obey the
Emperor's order of the adjournment. Rodzianko, president of the Douma, issuing
orders over his own signature. Ministry reported to have resigned. Ministers
found are taken before the Douma, also many Russian officers and other high
officials. Most if not all regiments ordered to Petrograd have joined the
revolutionists after arrival. American colony safe. No knowledge of any
injuries to American citizens.
FRANCIS,
American Ambassador
American Ambassador
On receipt of the preceding cable, Robert Lansing,
Secretary of State, made its contents available to President Wilson
(861.00/273):
PERSONAL AND CONFIDENTIAL
My Dear Mr. President:
I enclose to you a very important cablegram which has
just come from Petrograd, and also a clipping from the New York WORLD of this
morning, in which a statement is made by Signor Scialoia, Minister without
portfolio in the Italian Cabinet, which is significant in view of Mr. Francis'
report. My own impression is that the Allies know of this matter and I presume
are favorable to the revolutionists since the Court party has been, throughout
the war, secretly pro-German.
Faithfully
yours,
ROBERT LANSING
ROBERT LANSING
Enclosure:
The President,
The White House
The President,
The White House
COMMENT
The significant phrase in the Lansing-Wilson letter
is "My own impression is that the Allies know of this matter and I presume
are favorable to the revolutionists since the Court party has been, throughout
the war, secretly pro-German." It will be recalled (chapter two) that
Ambassador Dodd claimed that Charles R. Crane, of Westinghouse and of Crane Co.
in New York and an adviser to President Wilson, was involved in this first
revolution.
DOCUMENT NO. 2
Memorandum from Great Britain Foreign Office file FO
371/ 2999 (The War — Russia), October 23, 1917, file no. 3743.
DOCUMENT
Personal (and) Secret.
Disquieting rumors have reached us from more than one
source that Kerensky is in German pay and that he and his government are doing
their utmost to weaken (and) disorganize Russia, so as to arrive at a situation
when no other course but a separate peace would be possible. Do you consider
that there is any ground for such insinuations, and that the government by
refraining from any effective action are purposely allowing the Bolshevist
elements to grow stronger?
If it should be a question of bribery we might be
able to compete successfully if it were known how and through what agents it
could be done, although it is not a pleasant thought.
COMMENT
Refers to information that Kerensky was in German
pay.
DOCUMENT NO. 3
Consists of four parts:
(a) Cable from Ambassador Francis, April 27, 1917, in
Petrograd to Washington, D.C., requesting transmission of a message from
prominent Russian Jewish bankers to prominent Jewish bankers in New York and
requesting their subscription to the Kerensky Liberty Loan (861.51/139).
(b) Reply from Louis Marshall (May 10, 1917)
representing American Jews; he declined the invitation while expressing support
for the American Liberty Loan (861.51/143).
(c) Letter from Jacob Schiff of Kuhn, Loeb (November
25, 1918) to State Department (Mr. Polk) relaying a message from Russian Jewish
banker Kamenka calling for Allied help against
the Bolsheviks ("because Bolshevist government does not represent
Russian People").
(d) Cable from Kamenka relayed by Jacob Schiff.
DOCUMENTS
(a) Secretary of State
Washington.
1229, twenty-seventh.
Washington.
1229, twenty-seventh.
Please deliver following to Jacob Schiff, Judge
Brandies [sic], Professor Gottheil, Oscar Strauss [sic], Rabbi Wise, Louis Marshall and Morgenthau:
"We Russian Jews always believed that liberation
of Russia meant also our liberation. Being deeply devoted to country we placed
implicit trust temporary Government. We know the unlimited economic power of
Russia and her immense natural resources and the emancipation we obtained will
enable us to participate development country. We firmly believe that victorious
finish of the war owing help our allies and United States is near.
Temporary Government issuing now new public loan of
freedom and we feel our national duty support loan high vital for war and
freedom. We are sure that Russia has an unshakeable power of public credit and
will easily bear a.11 necessary financial burden. We formed special committee
of Russian Jews for supporting loan consisting representatives financial,
industrial trading circles and leading public men.
We inform you here of and request our brethren beyong
[sic] the seas to support freedom of Russian which became now case
humanity and world's civilization. We suggest you form there special committee
and let us know of steps you may take Jewish committee support success loan of
freedom. Boris Kamenka, Chairman, Baron Alexander Gunzburg, Henry
Silosberg."
FRANCIS
* * * * *
(b) Dear Mr. Secretary:
After reporting to our associates the result of the
interview which you kindly granted to Mr. Morgenthau, Mr. Straus and myself, in
regard to the advisability of calling for subscriptions to the Russian Freedom
Loan as requested in the cablegram of Baron Gunzburg and Messrs. Kamenka and
Silosberg of Petrograd, which you recently communicated to us, we have
concluded to act strictly upon your advice. Several days ago we promised our
friends at Petrograd an early reply to their call for aid. We would therefore
greatly appreciate the forwarding of the following cablegram, provided its
terms have your approval:
"Boris Kamenka,
Don Azov Bank, Petrograd.
Don Azov Bank, Petrograd.
Our State Department which we have consulted regards
any present attempt toward securing public subscriptions here for any foreign
loans inadvisable; the concentration of all efforts for the success of American
war loans being essential, thereby enabling our Government to supply funds to
its allies at lower interest rates than otherwise possible. Our energies to
help the Russian cause most effectively must therefore necessarily be directed
to encouraging subscriptions to American Liberty Loan. Schiff, Marshall,
Straus, Morgenthau, Wise, Gonheil."
You are of course at liberty to make any changes in
the phraseology of this suggested cablegram which you may deem desirable and
which will indicate that our failure to respond directly to the request that
has come to us is due to our anxiety to make our activities most efficient.
May I ask you to send me a copy of the cablegram as
forwarded, with a memorandum of the cost so that the Department may be promptly
reimbursed.
I am, with
great respect,
Faithfully yours,
[sgd.] Louis Marshall
Faithfully yours,
[sgd.] Louis Marshall
The Secretary of State
Washington, D.C.
Washington, D.C.
*
* * * *
(c) Dear Mr. Polk:
Will you permit me to send you copy of a cablegram
received this morning and which I think, for regularity's sake, should be
brought to the notice of the Secretary of State or your good self, for such
consideration as it might be thought well to give this.
Mr. Kamenka, the sender of this cablegram, is one of
the leading men in Russia and has, I am informed, been financial advisor both
of the Prince Lvoff government and of the Kerensky government. He is President
of the Banque de Commerce de l'Azov Don of Petrograd, one of the most important
financial institutions of Russia, but had, likely, to leave Russia with the
advent of Lenin and his "comrades."
Let me take this opportunity to send sincere
greetings to you and Mrs. Polk and to express the hope that you are now in
perfect shape again, and that Mrs. Polk and the children are in good health.
Faithfully
yours,
[sgd.] Jacob H. Schiff
[sgd.] Jacob H. Schiff
Hon. Frank L. Polk
Counsellor of the State Dept.
Washington, D.C.
Counsellor of the State Dept.
Washington, D.C.
MM-Encl.
[Dated November 25, 1918]
*
* * * *
(d) Translation:
The complete triumph of liberty and right furnishes
me a new opportunity to repeat to you my profound admiration for the noble American
nation. Hope to see now quick progress on the part of the Allies to help Russia
in reestablishing order. Call your attention also to pressing necessity of
replacing in Ukraine enemy troops at the very moment of their retirement in
order to avoid Bolshevist devastation. Friendly intervention of Allies would be
greeted everywhere with enthusiasm and looked upon as democratic action,
because Bolshevist government does not represent Russian people. Wrote you
September 19th. Cordial greetings.
[sgd.] Kamenka
COMMENT
This is an important series because it refutes the
story of a Jewish bank conspiracy behind the Bolshevik Revolution. Clearly
Jacob Schiff of Kuhn, Loeb was not interested in supporting the Kerensky
Liberty Loan and Schiff went to the trouble of drawing State Department
attention to Kamenka's pleas for Allied intervention against the Bolsheviks.
Obviously Schiff and fellow banker Kamenka, unlike J.P. Morgan and John D.
Rockefeller, were as unhappy about the Bolsheviks as they had been about the
tsars.
DOCUMENT NO. 4
Description
Memorandum from William Boyce Thompson (director of
the Federal Reserve Bank of New York) to Lloyd George (prime minister of Great
Britain), December 1917.
DOCUMENT
FIRST
The Russian situation is lost and Russia lies entirely
open to unopposed German exploitation unless a radical reversal of policy is at
once undertaken by the Allies.
SECOND
Because of their shortsighted diplomacy, the Allies
since the Revolution have accomplished nothing beneficial, and have done considerable
harm to their own interests.
THIRD
The Allied representatives in Petrograd have been
lacking in sympathetic understanding of the desire of the Russian people
to attain democracy. Our representatives were first connected officially with
the Czar's regime. Naturally they have been influenced by that environment.
FOURTH
Meanwhile, on the other hand, the Germans have
conducted propaganda that has undoubtedly aided them materially in destroying
the Government, in wrecking the army and in destroying trade and industry. If
this continues unopposed it may result in the complete exploitation of the
great country by Germany against the Allies.
FIFTH
I base my opinion upon a careful and intimate study
of the situation both outside and inside official circles, during my stay in
Petrograd between August 7 and November 29, 1917.
SIXTH
"What can be done to improve the situation of
the Allies in Russia"?
The diplomatic personnel, both British and American,
should be changed to one democratic in spirit and capable of sustaining
democratic sympathy.
There should be erected a powerful, unofficial
committee, with headquarters in Petrograd, to operate in the background, so to
speak, the influence of which in matters of policy should be recognized and
accepted by the DIPLOMATIC, CONSULAR and MILITARY officials of the Allies. Such
committee should be so composed in personnel as to make it possible to entrust
to it wide discretionary powers. It would presumably undertake work in various
channels. The nature of which will become obvious as the task progresses; it.
would aim to meet all new conditions as they might arise.
SEVENTH
It is impossible now to define at all completely the
scope of this new Allied committee. I can perhaps assist to a better
understanding of its possible usefulness and service by making a brief
reference to the work which I started and which is now in the hands of Raymond
Robins, who is well and favorably known to Col. Buchan — a work which in the
future will undoubtedly have to be somewhat altered and added to in order to
meet new conditions. My work has been performed chiefly through a Russian
"Committee on Civic Education" aided by Madame Breshkovsky, the
Grandmother of the Revolution. She was assisted by Dr. David Soskice, the
private secretary of the then Prime Minister Kerensky (now of London); Nicholas
Basil Tchaikovsky, at one time Chairman of the Peasants Co-operative Society,
and by other substantial social revolutionaries constituting the saving element
of democracy as between the extreme "Right" of the official and
property-owning class, and the extreme "Left" embodying the most
radical elements of the socialistic parties. The aim of this committee, as
stated in a cable message from Madame Breshkovsky to President Wilson, can be
gathered from this quotation: "A widespread education is necessary to make
Russia an orderly democracy. We plan to bring this education to the soldier in
the camp, to the workman in the factory, to the peasant in the village."
Those aiding in this work realized that for centuries the masses had been under
the heel of Autocracy which had given them not protection but oppression; that
a democratic form of government in Russian could be maintained only BY THE
DEFEAT OF THE GERMAN ARMY; BY THE OVERTHROW OF GERMAN AUTOCRACY. Could free
Russia, unprepared for great governmental responsibilities, uneducated,
untrained, be expected long to survive with imperial Germany her next door
neighbor? Certainly not. Democratic Russia would become speedily the greatest
war prize the world has even known.
The Committee designed to have an educational center
in each regiment of the Russian army, in the form of Soldiers' Clubs. These
clubs were organized as rapidly as possible, and lecturers were employed to
address the soldiers. The lecturers were in reality teachers, and it should be
remembered that there is a percentage of 90 among the soldiers of Russia who
can neither read nor write. At the time of the Bolshevik outbreak many of these
speakers were in the field making a fine impression and obtaining excellent
results. There were 250 in the city of Moscow alone. It was contemplated by the
Committee to have at least 5000 of these lecturers. We had under publication
many newspapers of the "A B C" class, printing matter in the simplest
style, and were assisting about 100 more. These papers carried the appeal for
patriotism, unity and co-ordination into the homes of the workmen and the
peasants.
After the overthrow of the last Kerensky government
we materially aided the dissemination of the Bolshevik literature, distributing
it through agents and by aeroplanes to the German army. If the suggestion is
permissible, it might be well to consider whether it would not be desirable to
have this same Bolshevik literature sent into Germany and Austria across the
West and Italian fronts.
EIGHTH
The presence of a small number of Allied troops in
Petrograd would certainly have done much to prevent the overthrow of the
Kerensky government in November. I should like to suggest for your
consideration, if present conditions continue, the concentration of all the
British and French Government employees in Petrograd, and if the necessity
should arise it might be formed into a fairly effective force. It might be
advisable even to pay a small sum to a Russian force. There is also a large
body of volunteers recruited in Russia, many of them included in the
Intelligentsia of "Center" class, and these have done splendid work
in the trenches. They might properly be aided.
NINTH
If you ask for a further programme I should say that
it is impossible to give it now. I believe that intelligent and courageous work
will still prevent Germany from occupying the field to itself and thus
exploiting Russia at the expense of the Allies. There will be many ways in
which this service can be rendered which will become obvious as the work
progresses.
COMMENT
Following this memorandum the British war cabinet
changed its policy to one of tepid pro-Bolshevism. Note that Thompson admits to
distribution of Bolshevik literature by his agents. The confusion over the date
on which Thompson left Russia (he states November 29th in this document) is
cleared up by the Pirnie papers at the Hoover Institution. There were several
changes of travel plans and Thompson was still in Russia in early December. The
memorandum was probably written in Petrograd in late November.
DOCUMENT NO. 5
DESCRIPTION
Letter dated May 9, 1918, from Felix Frankfurter
(then special assistant to the secretary of war) to Santeri Nuorteva (alias for
Alexander Nyberg), a Bolshevik agent in the United States. Listed as Document
No. 1544 in the Lusk Committee files, New York:
DOCUMENT
WAR
DEPARTMENT
WASHINGTON
May 9, 1918
WASHINGTON
May 9, 1918
My dear Mr. Nhorteva [sic]:
Thank you very much for your letter of the 4th. I
knew you would understand the purely friendly and wholly unofficial character
of our talk, and I appreciate the prompt steps you have taken to correct your
Sirola* letter. Be wholly assured that nothing has
transpired which diminishes my interest in the questions which you present.
Quite the contrary. I am much interested in** the considerations you are advancing and for
the point of view you are urging. The issues*** at stake are the interests that mean much for
the whole world. To meet them adequately we need all the knowledge and wisdom
we can possibly get****.
Cordially
yours,
Felix Frankfurter
Felix Frankfurter
Santeri Nuorteva, Esq.
* Yrjo Sirola was a Bolshevik and
commissar in Finland.
** Original text, "continually grateful to you for."
*** Original text, "interests."
**** Original text added "these days."
** Original text, "continually grateful to you for."
*** Original text, "interests."
**** Original text added "these days."
COMMENT
This letter by Frankfurter was written to
Nuorteva/Nyberg, a Bolshevik agent in the United States, at a time when
Frankfurter held an official position as special assistant to Secretary of War
Baker in the War Department. Apparently Nyberg was willing to change a letter
to commissar "Sirola" according to Frankfurter's instructions. The
Lusk Committee acquired the original Frankfurter draft including Frankfurter's
changes and not the letter received by Nyberg.
THE SOVIET BUREAU IN 1920
Position
|
Name
|
Citizenship
|
Born
|
Former Employment
|
Representa tive of USSR
|
Ludwig C.A.K. MARTENS
|
German
|
Russia
|
V-P of Weinberg & Posner Engineer ing
(120 Broadway)
|
Office manager
|
Gregory WEINSTEIN
|
Russian
|
Russia
|
Journalist
|
Secretary
|
Santeri NUORTEVA
|
Finnish
|
Russia
|
Journalist
|
Assistant secretary
|
Kenneth DURANT
|
U.S.
|
U.S.
|
(1) U.S. Committee on Public Information
(2) Former aide to Colonel House |
Private secre tary to NUOR TEVA
|
Dorothy KEEN
|
U.S.
|
U.S.
|
High school
|
Translator
|
Mary MODELL
|
Russian
|
Russia
|
School in Russia
|
File clerk
|
Alexander COLEMAN
|
U.S.
|
U.S.
|
High school
|
Telephone clerk
|
Blanche ABUSHEVITZ
|
Russian
|
Russia
|
High school
|
Office attendant
|
Nestor KUNTZEVICH
|
Russian
|
Russia
|
—
|
Military expert
|
Lt. Col. Boris Tagueeff Roustam BEK
|
Russian
|
Russia
|
Military critic on Daily Express (London)
|
Commercial
Department
|
|
|
|
|
Director
|
A. HELLER
|
Russian
|
U.S.
|
International Oxy gen Company
|
Secretary
|
Ella TUCH
|
Russian
|
U.S.
|
U.S. firms
|
Clerk
|
Rose HOLLAND
|
U.S.
|
U.S.
|
Gary School League
|
Clerk
|
Henrietta MEEROWICH
|
Russian
|
Russia
|
Social worker
|
Clerk
|
Rose BYERS
|
Russian
|
Russia
|
School
|
Statistician
|
Vladimir OLCHOVSKY
|
Russian
|
Russia
|
Russian Army
|
Information
Department
|
|
|
|
|
Director
|
Evans CLARK
|
U.S.
|
U.S.
|
Princeton University
|
Clerk
|
Nora G. SMITHMAN
|
U.S.
|
U.S.
|
Ford Peace Expedition
|
Steno
|
Etta FOX
|
U.S.
|
U.S.
|
War Trade Board
|
—
|
Wilfred R. HUMPHRIES
|
U.K.
|
—
|
American Red Cross
|
Technical
Dept.
|
|
|
|
|
Director
|
Arthur ADAMS
|
Russian
|
U.S.
|
—
|
Educational
Dept.
|
|
|
|
|
Director
|
William MALISSOFF
|
Russian
|
U.S.
|
Columbia University
|
Medical
Dept.
|
|
|
|
|
Director
|
Leo A. HUEBSCH
|
Russian
|
U.S.
|
Medical doctor
|
|
D. H. DUBROWSKY
|
Russian
|
U.S.
|
Medical doctor
|
Legal
Dept.
|
|
|
|
|
Director
|
Morris HILLQUIT
|
Lithuanian
|
—
|
—
|
|
Counsel
retained:
|
|
|
|
|
Charles RECHT
|
|
|
|
|
Dudley Field MALONE
|
|
|
|
|
George Cordon BATTLE
|
|
|
|
Dept.
of Economics & Statistics
|
|
|
|
|
Director
|
Isaac A. HOURWICH
|
Russian
|
U.S.
|
U.S. Bureau of Census
|
|
Eva JOFFE
|
Russian
|
U.S.
|
National Child
Labor Commission |
Steno
|
Elizabeth GOLDSTEIN
|
Russian
|
U.S.
|
Student
|
Editorial Staff of Soviet Russia
|
|
|
|
|
Managing editor
|
Jacob w. HARTMANN
|
U.S.
|
U.S.
|
College
of City
of New York |
Steno
|
Ray TROTSKY
|
Russian
|
Russia
|
Student
|
Translator
|
Theodnre BRESLAUER
|
Russian
|
Russia
|
—
|
Clerk
|
Vastly IVANOFF
|
Russian
|
Russia
|
—
|
Clerk
|
David OLDFIELD
|
Russian
|
Russia
|
—
|
Translator
|
J. BLANKSTEIN
|
Russian
|
Russia
|
—
|
SOURCE: |
U.S., House, Conditions in Russia (Committee on Foreign Affairs), 66th Cong., 3rd sess. (Washington, D.C., 1921). |
|||
|
See also
British list in U.S. State Department Decimal File, 316-22-656, which also
has the name of Julius Hammer.
|
DOCUMENT NO. 7
DESCRIPTION
Letter from National City Bank of New York to the
U.S. Treasury, April 15, 1919, with regard to Ludwig Martens and his associate
Dr. Julius Hammer (316-118).
DOCUMENT
The
National City Bank of New York
New York, April 15, 1919
New York, April 15, 1919
Honorable Joel Rathbone,
Assistant Secretary of the Treasury
Washington, D.C.
Assistant Secretary of the Treasury
Washington, D.C.
Dear Mr. Rathbone:
I beg to hand you herewith photographs of two
documents which we have received this morning by registered mail from a Mr. L.
Martens who claims to be the representative in the United States of the Russian
Socialist Federal Soviet Republic, and witnessed by a Dr. Julius Hammer for the
Acting Director of the Financial Department.
You will see from these documents that there is a
demand being made upon us for any and all funds on deposit with us in the name
of Mr. Boris Bakhmeteff, alleged Russian Ambassador in the United States, or in
the name of any individual, committee, or mission purporting to act in behalf
of the Russian Government in subordination to Mr. Bakhmeteff or directly.
We should be very glad to receive from you whatever
advice or instructions you may care to give us in this matter.
Yours
respectfully,
[sgd.] J. H. Carter,
Vice President.
[sgd.] J. H. Carter,
Vice President.
JHC:M
Enclosure
COMMENTS
The significance of this letter is related to the
long-time association (1917-1974) of the Hammer family with the Soviets.
DOCUMENT NO. 8
DESCRIPTION
Letter dated August 3, 1920, from Soviet courier
"Bill" Bobroff to Kenneth Durant, former aide to Colonel House. Taken
from Bobroff by U.S. Department of Justice.
DOCUMENT
Department of Justice
Bureau of Investigation,
15 Park Row, New York City, N. Y.,
August 10, 1920
Bureau of Investigation,
15 Park Row, New York City, N. Y.,
August 10, 1920
Director Bureau of Investigation
United States Department of Justice, Washington, D.C.
United States Department of Justice, Washington, D.C.
Dear Sir: Confirming telephone conversation with Mr.
Ruch today, I am transmitting herewith original documents taken from the
effects of B. L. Bobroll, steamship Frederick
VIII.
The letter addressed Mr. Kenneth Durant, signed by
Bill, dated August 3, 1920, together with the translation from
"Pravda," July 1, 1920, signed by Trotzki, and copies of cablegrams
were found inside the blue envelope addressed Mr. Kenneth Durant, 228 South
Nineteenth Street, Philadelphia, Pa. This blue envelope was in turn sealed
inside the white envelope attached.
Most of the effects of Mr. Bobroff consisted of
machinery catalogues, specifications, correspondence regarding the shipment of
various equipment, etc., to Russian ports. Mr. Bobroff was closely questioned
by Agent Davis and the customs authorities, and a detailed report of same will
be sent to Washington.
Very truly
yours,
G. F. Lamb,
Division Superintendent
G. F. Lamb,
Division Superintendent
LETTER TO KENNETH DURANT
Dear Kenneth: Thanks for your most welcome letter. I
have felt very much cut off and hemmed in, a feeling which has been sharply
emphasized by recent experiences. I have felt distressed at inability to force
a different attitude toward the bureau and to somehow get funds to you. To
cable $5,000 to you, as was done last week, is but a sorry joke. I hope the
proposal to sell gold in America, about which we have been cabling recently,
will soon be found practicable. Yesterday we cabled asking if you could sell
5,000,000 rubles at a minimum of 45 cents, present market rate being 51.44
cents. That would net at least $2,225,000. L's present need is $2,000,000 to
pay Niels Juul & Co., in Christiania, for the first part of the coal shipment
from America to Vardoe, Murmansk, and Archangel. The first ship is nearing
Vardoe and the second left New York about July 28. Altogether, Niels Juul &
Co., or rather the Norges' Bank, of Christiania, on their and our account, hold
$11,000,000 gold rubles of ours, which they themselves brought from Reval to
Christiania, as security for our coal order and the necessary tonnage, but the
offers for purchase of this gold that they have so far been able to get are
very poor, the best being $575 per kilo, whereas the rate offered by the
American Mint or Treasury Department is now $644.42, and considering the large
sum involved it would be a shame to let it go at too heavy a loss. I hope that
ere you get this you will have been able to effect the sale, at the same time
thus getting a quarter of a million dollars or more for the bureau. If we can't
in some way pay the $2,000,000 in Christiania, that was due four days ago,
within a very short time, Niels Juul & Co. will have the right to sell our
gold that they now hold at the best price then obtainable, which, as stated
above, is quite low.
We don't know yet how the Canadian negotiations are
going on. We understand Nuorteva turned over the strings to Shoen when N.'s
arrest seemed imminent. We don't at this writing know where Nuorteva is. Our
guess is that after his enforced return to England from Esbjerg, Denmark, Sir
Basil Thomson had him shipped aboard a steamer for Reval, but we have not yet
heard from Reval that he has arrived there, and we certainly would hear from Goukovski
or from N. himself. Humphries saw Nuorteva at Esbjerg, and is himself in
difficulties with the Danish police because of it. All his connections are
being probed for; his passport has been taken away: he has been up twice for
examination, and it looks as if he will be lucky if he escapes deportation. It
was two weeks ago that Nuorteva arrived at Esbjerg, 300 miles from here, but
having no Danish visa, the Danish authorities refused to permit him to land,
and he was transferred to a steamer due to sail at 8 o'clock the following
morning. By depositing 200 kroner he was allowed shore leave for a couple of
hours. Wanting to get Copenhagen on long-distance wire and having practically
no more money, he once more pawned that gold watch of his for 25 kroner,
therewith getting in touch with Humphries, who within half an hour jumped
aboard the night train, slept on the floor, and arrived at Esbjerg at 7:30.
Humphries found Nuorteva, got permission from the captain to go aboard, had 20
minutes with N., then had to go ashore and the boat sailed. Humphries was then
invited to the police office by two plain-clothes men, who had been observing
the proceedings. He was closely questioned, address taken, then released, and
that night took train back to Copenhagen. He sent telegrams to Ewer, of Daily
Herald, Shoen, and to Kliskho, at 128 New Bond Street, urging them to be sure
and meet Nuorteva's boat, so that N. couldn't again be spirited away, but we
don't know yet just what happened. The British Government vigorously denied
that they had any intention of sending him to Finland. Moscow has threatened
reprisals if anything happens to him. Meantime, the investigation of H. has
begun. He was called upon at his hotel by the police, requested to go to
headquarters (but not arrested), and we understand that his case is now before
the minister of justice. Whatever may be the final outcome, Humphries comments
upon the reasonable courtesy shown him, contrasting it with the ferocity of the
Red raids in America.
He found that at detective headquarters they knew of
some of his outgoing letters and telegrams.
I was interested in your favorable comment upon the
Krassin interview of Tobenken's (you do not mention the Litvinoff one), because
I had to fight like a demon with L. to get the opportunities for Tobenken.
Through T. arrived with a letter from Nuorteva, as also did Arthur Ruhl, L.
brusquely turned down in less than one minute the application T. was making to
go into Russia, would hardly take time to hear him, saying it was impossible to
allow two correspondents from the same paper to enter Russia. He gave a visa to
Ruhl, largely because of a promise made last summer to Ruhl by L. Ruhl then
went off to Reval, there to await the permission that L. had cabled asking
Moscow to give. Tobenken, a nervous, almost a broken man because of his turn
down, stayed here. I realized the mistake that had been made by the snap
judgment, and started in on the job of getting it changed. Cutting a long story
short, I got him to Reval with a letter to Goukovsky from L. In the meantime
Moscow refused Ruhl, notwithstanding L's visa. L. was maddened at affront to
his visa, and insisted that it be honored. It was, and Ruhl prepared to leave.
Suddenly word came from Moscow to Ruhl revoking the permission and to
Litvinoff, saying that information had reached Moscow that Ruhl was in service
of State Department. At time of writing, both Tobenken and Ruhl are in Reval,
stuck.
I told L. this morning of the boat leaving tomorrow
and of the courier B. available, asked him if he had anything to write to
Martens, offered to take it in shorthand for him, but no, he said he had
nothing to write about that I might perhaps send duplicates of our recent
cables to Martens.
Kameneff passed by here on a British destroyer en route
to London, and didn't stop off here at all, and Krassin went direct from
Stockholm. Of the negotiations, allied and Polish, and of the general situation
you know about as much as we do here. L's negotiations with the Italians have
finally resulted in establishing of mutual representation. Our representative,
Vorovsky, has already gone to Italy and their representative, M. Gravina, is en
route to Russia. We have just sent two ship loads of Russian wheat to Italy
from Odessa.
Give my regards to the people of your circle that I
know. With all good wishes to you.
Sincerely
yours,
Bill
Bill
The batch of letters you sent — 5 Cranbourne
Road, Charlton cum Hardy, Manchester, has not yet arrived.
L's recommendation to Moscow, since M. asked to move
to Canada, is that M. should be appointed there, and that N., after having some
weeks in Moscow acquainting himself first hand, should be appointed
representative to America.
L. is sharply critical of the bureau for giving too
easily visés and recommendations. He was obviously surprised and incensed when
B. reached here with contracts secured in Moscow upon strength of letters given
to him by M. The later message from M. evidently didn't reach Moscow. What L.
plans to do about it I don't know. I would suggest that M. cable in cipher his
recommendation to L. in this matter. L. would have nothing to do with B. here.
Awkward situation may be created.
L. instanced also the Rabinoff recommendation.
Two envelopes, Mr. Kenneth Durant, 228 South
Nineteenth Street, Philadelphia, Pa., U.S.A.
SOURCE: U.S. State Department Decimal File,
316-119-458/64.
NOTE: IDENTIFICATION OF INDIVIDUALS
William (Bill) L. BOBROFF
|
Soviet courier and agent. Operated Bobroff
Foreign Trading and Engineering Company of Milwaukee. Invented the voting
system used in the Wisconsin Legilature.
|
Kenneth DURANT
|
Aide to Colonel House; see text.
|
SHOEN
|
Employed by International Oxygen Co., owned
by Heller, a prominent financier and Communist.
|
EWER
|
Soviet agent, reporter for London Daily Herald.
|
KLISHKO
|
Soviet agent in Scandinavia
|
NUORTEVA
|
Also known as Alexander Nyberg, first Soviet
representative in United States; see text.
|
Sir Basil THOMPSON
|
Chief of British Intelligence
|
"L"
|
LITVINOFF.
|
"H"
|
Wilfred Humphries, associated with Martens
and Litvinoff, member of Red Cross in Russia.
|
KRASSIN
|
Bolshevik commissar of trade and labor,
former head of Siemens-Schukert in Russia.
|
COMMENTS
This letter suggests close ties between Bobroff and
Durant.
DOCUMENT NO. 9
DESCRIPTION
Memorandum referring to a request from Davison (Morgan
partner) to Thomas Thacher (Wall Street attorney associated with the Morgans)
and passed to Dwight Morrow (Morgan partner), April 13, 1918.
DOCUMENT
The
Berkeley Hotel, London
April 13th, 1918.
April 13th, 1918.
Hon. Walter H. Page,
American Ambassador to England,
London.
American Ambassador to England,
London.
Dear Sir:
Several days ago I received a request from Mr. H. P.
Davison, Chairman of the War Council of the American Red Cross, to confer with
Lord Northcliffe regarding the situation in Russia, and then to proceed to
Paris for other conferences. Owing to Lord Northcliffe's illness I have not
been able to confer with him, but am leaving with Mr. Dwight W. Morrow, who is
now staying at the Berkeley Hotel, a memorandum of the situation which Mr.
Morrow will submit to Lord Northcliffe on the latter's return to London.
For your information and the information of the
Department I enclose to you, herewith, a copy of the memorandum.
Respectfully yours,
[sgd.] Thomas D. Thacher.
[sgd.] Thomas D. Thacher.
COMMENT
Lord Northcliffe had just been appointed director of
propaganda. This is interesting in the light of William B. Thompson's
subsidizing of Bolshevik propaganda and his connection with the
Morgan-Rockefeller interests.
DOCUMENT NO. 10
DESCRIPTION
This document is a memorandum from D.C. Poole,
Division of Russian Affairs in the Department of State, to the secretary of
state concerning a conversation with Mr. M. Oudin of General Electric.
DOCUMENT
May 29,
1922
Mr. Secretary:
Mr. Oudin, of the General Electric Company, informed
me this morning that his company feels that the time is possibly approaching to
begin conversations with Krassin relative to a resumption of business in
Russia. I told him that it is the view of the Department that the course to be
pursued in this matter by American firms is a question of business judgment and
that the Department would certainly interpose no obstacles to an American firm
resuming operations in Russia on any basis which the firm considered
practicable.
He said that negotiations are now in progress between
the General Electric Company and the Allgemeine Elektrizitats Gesellschaft for
a resumption of the working agreement which they had before the war. He expects
that the agreement to be made will include a provision for cooperation of
Russia.
Respectfully,
DCP D.C. Poole
DCP D.C. Poole
COMMENT
This is an important document as it relates to the
forthcoming resumption of relations with Russia by an important American
company. It illustrates that the initiative came from the company, not from the
State Department, and that no consideration was given to the effect of transfer
of General Electric technology to a self-declared enemy. This GE agreement was
the first step down a road of major technical transfers that led directly to
the deaths of 100,000 Americans and countless allies.
Selected
Bibliography
Adam, George. Treason and Tragedy: An Account of French
War Trials. London: Jonathan Cape, 1929.
American Red
Cross Archives. Minutes of the War Council of the American National Red Cross,
Washington, D.C., May 1917; and Billings report to Henry P. Davison, October
22, 1917, Washington, D.C.
Aschberg, Olof.
En Vandrande Jude Fran Glasbruksgatan.
Stockholm:Albert Bonniers Forlag, n.d.
Binion,
Rudolph. Defeated Leaders. New York:
Columbia University Press, 1960.
Bradley, John. Allied Intervention in Russia. London:
Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1968.
British War
Cabinet Papers. Public Records Office, London.
Browder, Robert
Paul, and Kerensky, Alexander F. The
Russian Provisional Government, 1917. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University
Press, 1961.
Bruntz, George
G. Allied Propaganda and the Collapse of
the German Empire in 1918. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press,
1936.
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