Wall St. and the Rise of Hitler: Chapter 13 Program of the National Socialist German Workers Party

 

APPENDIX A

Program of the National
Socialist German Workers Party

Note: This program is important because it demonstrates that the nature of Naziism was known publicly as early as 1920.

THE PROGRAM

The program of the German Workers' Party is limited as to period. The leaders have no intention, once the aims announced in it have been achieved, of setting up fresh ones, merely in order to increase the discontent of the masses artificially, and so ensure the continued existence of the Party.

1. We demand the union of all Germans to form a Great Germany on the basis of the right of the self-determination enjoyed by nations.

2. We demand equality of rights for the German People in its dealings with other nations, and abolition of the Peace Treaties of Versailles and St. Germain.

3. We demand land and territory (colonies) for the nourishment of our people and for settling our superfluous population.

4. None but members of the nation may be citizens of the State. None but those of German blood, whatever their creed, may be members of the nation. No Jew, therefore, may be a member of the nation.

5. Any one who is not a citizen of the State may live in Germany only as a guest and must be regarded as being subject to foreign laws.

6. The right of voting on the State's government and legislation is to be enjoyed by the citizen of the State alone. We demand therefore that all official appointments, of whatever kind, whether in the Reich, in the country, or in the smaller localities, shall be granted to citizens of the State alone.

We oppose the corrupting custom of Parliament of filling posts merely with a view to party considerations, and without reference to character or capability.

7. We demand that the State shall make it its first duty to promote the industry and livelihood of citizens of the State. If it is not possible to nourish the entire population of the State, foreign nationals (non-citizens of the State) must be excluded from the Reich.

8. All non-German immigration must be prevented. We demand that all non-Germans, who entered Germany subsequent to August 2nd, 1914, shall be required forthwith to depart from the Reich.

9. All citizens of the State shall be equal as regards rights and duties.

10. It must be the first duty of each citizen of the State to work with his mind or with his body. The activities of the individual may not clash with the interests of the whole, but must proceed within the frame of the community and be for the general good.

We demand therefore:

11, Abolition of incomes unearned by work.

ABOLITION OF THE THRALDOM OF INTEREST

12. In view of the enormous sacrifice of life and property demanded of a nation by every war, personal enrichment due to a war must be regarded as a crime against the nation. We demand therefore ruthless confiscation of all war gains,

13. We demand nationalisation of all businesses which have been up to the present formed into companies (Trusts).

14. We demand that the profits from wholesale trade shall be shared out. 

15. We demand extensive development of provision for old age.

16. We demand creation and maintenance of a healthy middle class, immediate communalisation of wholesale business premises, and their lease at a cheap rate to small traders, and that extreme consideration shall be shown to all small purveyors to the State, district authorities and smaller localities.

17. We demand land-reform suitable to our national requirements, passing of a law for confiscation without compensation of land for communal purposes; abolition of interest on land loans, and prevention of all speculation in land.

18. We demand ruthless prosecution of those whose activities are injurious to the common interest. Sordid criminals against the nation, usurers, profiteers, etc. must be punished with death, whatever their creed or race.

19. We demand that the Roman Law, which serves the materialistic world order, shall be replaced by a legal system for all Germany.

20. With the aim of opening to every capable and industrious German the possibility of higher education and of thus obtaining advancement, the State must consider a thorough re-construction of our national system of education. The curriculum of all educational establishments must be brought into line with the requirements of practical life. Comprehension of the State idea (State sociology) must be the school objective, beginning with the first dawn of intelligence in the pupil. We demand development of the gifted children of poor parents, whatever their class or occupation, at the expense of the State.

21. The State must see to raising the standard of health in the nation by protecting mothers and infants, prohibiting child labour, increasing bodily efficiency by obligatory gymnastics and sports laid down by law, and by extensive support of clubs engaged in the bodily development of the young.

22. We demand abolition of a paid army and formation of a national army. 

23. We demand legal warfare against conscious political lying and its dissemination in the Press. In order to facilitate creation of a German national Press we demand:

(a) that all editors of newspapers and their assistants, employing the German language, must be members of the nation;

(b) that special permission from the State shall be necessary before non-German newspapers may appear. These are not necessarily printed in the German language;

(c) that non-Germans shall be prohibited by law from participating financially in or influencing German newspapers, and that the penalty for contravention of the law shall be suppression of any such newspaper, and immediate deportation of the non-German concerned in it.

It must be forbidden to publish papers which do not conduce to the national welfare. We demand legal prosecution of all tendencies in art and literature of a kind likely to disintegrate our life as a nation, and the suppression of institutions which militate against the requirements above-mentioned.

24. We demand liberty for all religious denominations in the State, so far as they are not a danger to it and do not militate against the moral feelings of the German race.

The Party, as such, stands for positive Christianity, but does not bind itself in the matter of creed to any particular confession. It combats the Jewish-materialist spirit within us and without us, and is convinced that our nation can only achieve permanent health from within on the principle:

THE COMMON INTEREST BEFORE SELF

25. That all the foregoing may be realised we demand the creation of a strong central power of the State. Unquestioned authority of the politically centralised Parliament over the entire Reich and its organisation; and formation of Chambers for classes and occupations for the purpose of carrying out the general laws promulgated by the Reich in the various States of the confederation.

The leaders of the Party swear to go straight forward — if necessary to sacrifice their lives — in securing fulfillment of the foregoing Points.

Munich, February 24th, 1920.

Source: Official English translation by E. Dugdale, reprinted from Kurt G, W. Ludecke, I Knew Hitler (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1937),

 

APPENDIX B

Affidavit of Hjalmar Schacht

I, Dr. Hjalmar Schacht, after having been warned that I will be liable to punishment for making false statements, state herewith under oath, of my own free will and without coercion, the following:

The amounts contributed by the participants in the meeting of 20 February 1933 at Goering's house were paid by them to the bankers. Delbruck, Schickler & Co., Berlin, to the credit of an account "Nationale Treuhand" (which may be translated as National Trusteeship). It was arranged that I was entitled to dispose of this account, which I administered as a trustee, and that in case of my death, or that in case the trusteeship should be terminated in any other way, Rudolf Hess should be entitled to dispose of the account.

I disposed of the amounts of this account by writing out checks to Mr. Hess. I do not know what Mr. Hess actually did with the money.

On 4 April 1933, I closed the account with Delbruck, Schickler & Co. and had the balance transferred to the "Account Ic" with the Reichsbank which read in my name. Later on I was ordered directly by Hitler, who was authorized by the assembly of 20 February 1933 to dispose of the amounts collected, or through Hess, his deputy, to pay the balance of about 600,000 marks to Ribbentrop.

I have carefully read this affidavit (one page) and have signed it. I have made the necessary corrections in my own handwriting and initialed each correction in the margin of the page. I declare herewith under oath that I have stated the full truth to the best of my knowledge and belief.

(Signed) Dr. Hjalmar Schacht

12 August 1947

 

---

In a subsequent affidavit of 18 August 1947 (N1-9764, Pros. Ex 54), Schacht declared the following with regard to the above interrogation: "I made all of the statements appearing in this interrogation to Clifford Hyanning, a financial investigator of the American Forces of my own free will and without coercion. I have reread this interrogation today and can state that all of the facts contained therein are true to my best knowledge and belief. I declare herewith under oath and I have stated the full truth to the best of my knowledge and belief."

Source: Copy of Document Prosecution Exhibit 55. Trials of War Criminals before the Nuremburg Military Tribunals under Control Council Law No. 10, Nuremburg, October 1946-April 1949, Volume VII, I.G. Farben, (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1952).

APPENDIX C

Entries in the "National Trusteeship" Account Found
in the Files of the Delbruck, Schickler Co. Bank

NATIONAL TRUSTEESHIP REICHSBANK PRESIDENT DR. HJALMAR SCHACHT,  BERLIN-ZEHLENDORF
Feb. 23	Debibk (Deutsche Bank Diskonto-Gesellschaft) Verein fuer die bergbaulichen Interessen, Essen		Feb. 23	200,000.00
24	Transfer to account Rudolf Hess, at present in Berlin	100,000.00	24
24	Karl Herrmann Automobile Exhibition, Berlin		25 25	150,000.00 100,000.00
25	Director A. Steinke		27	200,000.00
25	Demag A.G., Duisberg		27	50,000.00
27	Telefunken Gesellschaft ruer draht lose Telegraphie Berlin		28	85,000.00
	Osram G.m.b.H., Berlin		28	40,000.00
27	Bayerische Hypotheken-und Wech selbank, branch office Munich, Kauflingerstr. In favor of Verlag Franz Eher Nachf, Munich	100,000.00	28
27	Transfer to account Rudolf Hess, Berlin	100,000.00	27
28	I.G. Farbenindustrie A.G. Frankfurt/M		Mar. 1	400,000.00
28	Telegraph expenses for transfer to Munich	8.00	Feb. 28
Mar. 1	Your Payment		Mar. 2	125,000.00
2	Telegr. transfer to Bayerische Hypotheken-und Wechselbank, Munich branch office, Bayerstr.
	for account Josef Jung	400,000.00	2
	Telegr. transfer expenses	23.00	2
	Account transfer Rudolf Hess	300,000.00
2	Reimbursement from Director Karl Lange, Berlin		3	30,000.00
3	Reimbursement from Dir. Karl Lange, 'Maschinen-industrie' Account		4	20,000.00
	Reimbursement from Verein ruer die bergbaulichen Interessen, Essen		4	100,000.00
	Reimbursement from Karl Herrmann, Berlin, Dessauerstr. 28/9		4	150,000.00
	Reimbursement from Allgemeine Elektrizitaetsgesellschaft, Berlin		4	60,000.00
7	Reimbursement from General-direktor Dr. F. Springorum, Dortmund		8	36,000.00
8	Reichsbank transfer: Bayerische Hypotheken-und Wechselbank,
	branch office Kauffingerstr.	100,000.00	8
		1,100,031.00		1,696,000.00
		1,100,031.00	Mar.	1,696,000.00
Mar. 8	Bayerische Hypotheken-und Wechselbank, Munich, branch office Bayerstr.	100,000.00	8
	Transfer to account Rudolf Hess	250,000.00	7
10	Accumulatoren-Fabrik A.G. Berlin		11	25,000.00
13	Verein f.d. bergbaulichen Interessen, Essen		14	300,000.00
14	Reimbursement Rudolf Hess	200,000.00	14
29	Reimbursement Rudolf Hess	200,000.00	29
April 4	Commerz-und Privatbank Dep. Kasse N. Berlin W.9 Potsdamerstr. 1 f. Special
	Account S 29	99,000.00	Apr. 4
5	Interests according to list 1
	percent		5	404.50
	Phone bills	1.00	5
	Postage	2.50	5
	Balance	72,370.00	5
	Balance carried over	2,021,404.50		2,021,404.50
			Apr. 5	72,370.00

 

APPENDIX D

Letter from U.S. War Department to Ethyl Corporation

December 15, 1934

Exhibit No, 144

(Handwritten) Mr, Webb sent copies for other Directors

Copy to: Mr. Alfred P. Sloan, Jr., General Motors Corp,, New York City, Mr. Donaldson Brown, General Motors Corp., New York City.

December 15, 1934.

Mr. E. W. Webb,

President Ethyl Gasoline Corporation, 185 E, 42nd Street, New York City. Dear Mr. Webb: I learned through our Organic Chemicals Division today that the Ethyl Gasoline Corporation has in mind forming a German company with the I.G. to manufacture Ethyl lead in that country.

I have just had two weeks in Washington, no inconsiderable part of which was devoted to criticising the interchanging with foreign companies of chemical knowledge which might have a military value. Such giving of information by an industrial company might have the gravest repercussions on it. The Ethyl Gasoline Corporation would be no exception, in fact, would probably be singled out for special attack because of the ownership of its stock.

It should seem. on the face of it, that the quantity of Ethyl lead used for commercial purposes in Germany would be too small to go after. It has been claimed that Germany is secretly arming. Ethyl lead would doubtless be a valuable aid to military aeroplanes.

I am writing you this to say that in my opinion under no conditions should you or the Board of Directors of the Ethyl Gasoline Corporation disclose any secrets or 'know how' in connection with the manufacture of tetraethyl lead to Germany.

I am informed that you will be advised through the Dyestuffs Division of the necessity of disclosing the information which you have received from Germany to appropriate War Department officials.

 

Yours very truly,

Source: United States Senate, Hearings before a Subcommittee of the Committee on Military Affairs, Scientific and Technical Mobilization, 78th Congress, Second Session, Part 16, (Washington D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1944), p. 939.

APPENDIX E

Extract from Morgenthau Diary (Germany)
Regarding Sosthenes Behn of I.T.T.

 

March 16, 1945
11:30 a.m.

GROUP MEETING
Bretton Woods — I.T.&T. — Reparations

Present:
Mr. White
Mr. Fussell
Mr. Feltus
Mr. Coe
Mr. DuBois
Mrs. Klotz

H.M., Jr.: Frank, can you boil down this business on I.T.&T.?

Mr. Coe: Yes, sir. I.T. &T. by the way did transfer or did get $15 million yesterday or a few days ago of their debts in dollars paid to them by the Spanish Government and that they are allowed to do under our general license, so that's all right. However, it is in part in their representation to us, part of a deal for the sale of the company in Spain, so they are trying thereby to force our hand. Now, the proposition which they have had up over some years in different forms now takes this form. They can get their receivables paid off in dollars, which they say they have not been able to do hitherto — either $15 million now and $10 million or $11 million later. They will sell the company to Spain and take in return $30 million worth of bonds — Spanish Government bonds — which are to be amortized over a number of years and roughly at the rate of $2 million per annum, and they are to receive 90% of those exports in order to amortize bonds faster, if they are to export it to the United States.

H. M. Jr.: Like the match dealer I mentioned in my speech.

Mr. Coe: That's right. The Spanish Government. They are willing, they say — they are able to get from the Spanish Government assurances, that these will not be, that the shares which the Spanish Government intends to resell will not go to anybody on the black list, and so forth. In some negotiations we have had with them over the last few weeks, they have been willing to come further on that. Our hesitation on the matter relates to two things; First, that you can't trust Franco, and that if they are able — if Franco is able to sell $50 million worth of shares Of this company in Spain in the next period of time, he may very well sell it to pro-German interests. It seems doubtful that he would be able to dispose of it to the Spaniards, so that is the first thing. The second thing we can't document too well, but I think it is more pronounced in my mind than in the minds of the Foreign Funds and legal people. I don't think we can really trust Behn either.

Mr. White: I'm sure you can't.

Mr. Coe: We have records here of interviews, going far back, that some of your men had with Behn — Klaus was one — in which Behn said that he had had conversations with Goering with the proposition that Goering was to hold I.T. &T.'s property in Germany, and as you recall, I.T. &T. here did try to purchase General Aniline and make it an American company thereby and that was part of the deal which Behn told State and our lawyers very frankly he had discussed. He thought it was perfectly all right protecting property: That was before we entered the war,

H. M., Jr.: I don't remember that,

Mr. Coe: The man in charge of their properties now is Westrick who you recall came over here and was mixed up with Texaco. They tried in every way to cook up deals earlier to escape. They are tied up with top German group and etc. On the other hand, Colonel Behn has been used several times as an emissary by the State Department, and I believe he is personally on very good terms with Stettinius. We have heard from State on this letter saying they have no objections. We proposed to you earlier — the letter which I sent in to you suggesting that you ask State, if in view of our safe haven objectives, they still said yes. I am confident from talking with them on the phone the last day or two, they will write back and say yes, they still think it is a good deal.

H. M., Jr.: This is the position I am in. As you gentlemen know I am overextended now and I can't go into this thing personally, and I think that we are just going to have to throw the thing in the lap of the State Department, and if they want to clear it, all right. I just haven't got the time or the energy to fight them on that basis.

Mr. Coe: Then we ought to license it now.

Mr. White: First you ought to get a letter. I agree with the Secretary on this point of view that this fellow Behn is not to be trusted around the corner. There is something about this deal that looks suspicious and has been for the last couple of years we have been dealing with him. However, it is one thing to believe that and another thing to defend that before the pressure that will be brought in here that they are trying to deprive this company of the business deal, but I think that what we might do is get the State Department on record that in view of a safe haven project they don't think that there is any danger that any of these assets — I would cite some of them, spell the letter out. Get them down on record and even make them a little frightened and hold out or they will at least have had the record and you will have called their attention to these dangers. This fellow Behn hates our guts anyway. We have been standing between him and deals for 4 years, at least.

H. M., Jr.: Follow what White said. Something along that line. "Dear Mr, Stettinius; I am bothered about these things due to the following facts, and I would like you to advise me whether we should or should not .... "

Mr. White: "In view of the danger that German assets may be cloaked here, the future —" and let him come back and say, "No," and we'll watch him.

Mr. Coe: We said we wanted to give Acheson something Monday.

H. M., Jr.: And if you get that ready for me by tomorrow morning, I'll sign it. Mr. Coe: O.K.

Source: United States Senate, Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act. Committee on the Judiciary, Morgenthau Diarty (Germany), Volume 1, 90th Congress, 1st Session, November 20, 1967, (Washington D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1967), p. 320 of Book 828. (Page 976 of U,S. Senate print.)

Note: "Mr. White" is Harry Dexter White. "Dr. Dubois" is Josiah E. Dubois, Jr., author of the book, Generals in Grey Suits (London: The Bodley Head, 1953). "H.M., Jr." is Henry Morgenthau, Jr., Secretary of the Treasury.

This memorandum is important because it accuses Sosthenes Behn of attempting to make behind-the-scenes deals in Nazi Germany "for 4 years, at least" — i.e. while the rest of the U.S. was at war, Behn and his friends were still doing business as usual with Germany. This memorandum supports the evidence presented in Chapters Five and Nine concerning the influence of I.T.T. in the Himmler inner circle and adds Herman Goering to the list of I T T. contacts.

 

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