The Israeli Elections Came to Naught
Israel Shamir • April 13, 2019 • from The Unz Review
Do
not regret the results of Israeli elections. They were a non-event.
Practically nothing has changed. Indeed many actors had hoped for
change, but those hopes had no grounding in reality.
Israel
is doing well, even exceedingly well. The country prospers. Despite
high taxes, Israeli
highways are crowded with new cars; Israeli
housewives load their supermarket wagons with food for the Passover as
if they prepare to die of overeating. The Israeli shekel is high like
cotton in the summer, and all planes are full to the brim with Israeli
vacationers. The weather has been playing for the incumbent as well:
glorious Palestinian spring had brought out myriads of flowers and the
blossom stays over the Holy Land.
In
such a situation, people do not vote for change. And anyway, no real
change had been offered. The new party of generals, called
Blue-and-White, after the colours of Israeli national flag (it’s like
calling an American party “Stars and Stripes”, or a British party,
“Union Jack”), did not propose anything new. They said they would do the
same, only better (or worse, for the Palestinians). The old opposition
parties of the Left Zionists, Labour and Meretz, have lost their voters:
they migrated to the generals. They anyway had nothing to offer, except
more gender disorder and identity politics.
PM
Netanyahu demonstrated that he has great support with the superpowers.
President Trump presented him with the Golan Heights, a slice of Syrian
territory occupied since 1967. President Putin presented him with
remains of an Israeli soldier killed in action many years ago in
Lebanon. Netanyahu flashed selfies made with the two presidents in his
effective campaign; he promised everything to everybody, and carried the
lot.
Israelis
would be ungrateful if they’d vote against the incumbent, and they knew
what was good for them. The generals, and other opponents of Bibi,
tried to make something of Netanyahu’s coming indictment for corruption;
but the general public was not impressed. Apparently, these charges had
been used too much and too often to derail a political enemy, and
people stopped paying heed.
I noticed it for the first time years ago in Japan, where a very popular politician Mr Kakuei Tanaka had been jailed
for taking a bribe from the Lockheed. A young journalist at that time, I
was amazed that the Japanese had remained faithful to the imprisoned
politician. They thought that all politicians accept graft; the question
is: what else they do? And Tanaka did good for them. While it is
possible to mobilise media against a person accused of graft, of
harassment, of sexual impropriety, or racism, the people in general do
not care much about it: they think (rightly) it is just a trick of
political adversaries. SJW used it too often, and completely devalued
such accusations.
Israelis
did not intend to vote against Mr Netanyahu just because his
adversaries appealed to their moral judgement. Anyway, Israelis have
very little sense of morality, if any. Netanyahu’s racist jibes against
the Arab citizens of Israel stoked no fire in Jewish souls.
The
Palestinian question did not play at all in the elections. Millions of
imprisoned Palestinians in the world’s largest open jail of Gaza were
out of Israeli mind. If they would not send a missile now and there,
they would be totally forgotten by their Jewish masters, like medieval
prisoners in the cellars of the Bastille. On Israeli TV, they showed a
sequence from the Zombie Apocalypse of Zombies storming the
wall Israelis erected on their borders – following the pictures of
Palestinian demonstrators in Gaza. The message was clear and brutal: for
Jews, the Palestinians are Zombies that should be kept beyond the
(ever-expanding) walls.
Netanyahu
played on the edge of a fault: he pushed the Palestinians to his
utmost, and then relented when they were about to explode. This cruel
tactic was successful: he bombarded Gaza, and then allowed its inmates
to fish in the sea (this prerogative had been withdrawn some months
earlier). The Gaza government had planned a series of large demos to
mark the anniversary of their Great March of Return. But after an
Israeli airstrike, they relented, and no large manifestation was allowed
on the border. Palestinians are being killed on the daily basis, but in
small numbers; and it is being reported on the bottom page of Israeli
newspapers as a thing of little importance.
The
main competitor to Netanyahu, the Blue-and-White’s General Gantz boasted
in his pre-election videos that he killed thousands of Palestinians; he
promised that he wouldn’t relinquish Israeli hold on the Golan Heights.
So really important issues weren’t even debated in these elections.
What
was debated, then? An obscure point of who belongs to the right, and
who belongs to the left. In present Israeli parlance, the leftist is a
traitor who cares about Arabs and despises Oriental Jews, and that is
obviously a marker to be avoided. Very few Israelis (if at all) admit to
having left leanings, a curious turn for a country established and
ruled by socialists for many years.
Even
people on the fringe of the Jewish Israeli society, the Russian
Israelis, were all for Jewish nationalism and against socialism and
Arabs. This is really silly. They are hardly considered Jews, to begin
with. The Ministry of Interior plans to check them for DNA and whether
they are Jewish at all. The Russians are weak economically, and their
participation in the national discourse is minimal. There is not a
single Russian on the national Israeli TV channels. They have a party of
their own, the party of Mr Lieberman. However, the main demands of Mr
Lieberman are (1) to bring the death penalty upon Arabs, (2) to bomb and
invade Gaza, and (3) to make Mr Lieberman the Minister of Defence. And
the Russian Israelis voted for him – or for Mr Netanyahu – anyway.
Israelis
of Oriental origins who inhabit poor peripheral towns are similar to
Russians. They also vote for Netanyahu and for his nationalist
right-wing party, Likud. They are proud they vote against the Ashkenazi
Blue-and-White Party, though all leaders of Likud are Ashkenazi Jews.
This
hatred to the Left in the Israeli discourse had caused a comic effect. A
few politicians decided to run their own parties called New Right,
Union of the Right etc. One of these parties had been led by Mr Feiglin,
an ultra-right-wing libertarian (formerly on the fringe of Netanyahu’s
Likud) who called for speedy construction of the Third Temple on the
place of Al Aqsa Mosque, for dismantling of social state, for
legalisation of light drugs, for annexation of the West Bank and mass
expulsion of Arabs. The polls predicted he would get seven or eight
seats in the parliament. However, this loony agenda was trashed, and he
went back to the political wilderness.
Two
rather successful right-wing politicians decided to split from their
long-established right-wing religious party and created a New Right
Party. One of them is good-looking Ayelet Shaked, the Minister of
Justice in the last government who flirted with fascism.
Another is the Education Minister in the government, the US-born
Naftali Bennett. Their trick failed them, and they found themselves out.
Apparently, the offer of the right-wing parties exceeded the demand for
this product.
Still
one ultra-religious and ultra-nationalist right-wing party had made it
to parliament, with its demands for enforcing Jewish religious law in
its entirety, suppressing the Arabs and worshipping the late
Israeli-American terrorists Rabbi Meir Kahane and Dr Baruch Goldstein.
They demand the portfolios of Education and Justice (sic!), as they
intend to educate the Israeli children in their vein and to undo the
power of the Supreme Court.
The
Arab parties did not do as well as they did in the last elections, when
they ran as single block. The ambitions of Dr Tibi, a popular Arab
deputy, had caused the dissolution of the United Arab List, and the
Arabs had to choose between two lists. The sum of two was smaller than
it was when they run together. Many Israeli Palestinians voted for
Meretz and Labour, too, as they noticed that the Jewish parties do not
collaborate with Arab deputies and their presence in the parliament has
no influence on their daily life.
There
is one good guy we shall keep an eye for, a Hebrew University Professor
with PhD from LSE, a firebrand communist, a Jew who was elected by
Arabs, Dr Offer Cassif.
He compares the Zionists with the Nazis, calls for One State, for the
Right of Return, for full equality of a Jew and Goy. At first, he was
banned from participation in the elections, but the Supreme Court
allowed him to run and he got in. He can be compared to the only
righteous man in the Israeli Sodom (Genesis 18) and the only hope of the
Knesset to survive the wrath of God.
Now
with the elections are finally behind, Netanyahu will have the hard job
of making a coalition government that will survive his forthcoming
indictment. His partners are perfectly willing to play ball, and to
legislate a Netanyahu Is Untouchable Law, but for a price. They will
agree on a price, too, do not worry, it is the Israeli public that will
pay the price, but they knew it when they voted like they did.
Is
there a chance to change things in Israel, with such a Parliament? Well,
yes. A military defeat can change minds, like it did in many countries
many times. Otherwise, it is hard to imagine what would cause Netanyahu
to change his course in view of the US support, Saudi friendship, Syrian
weakness, and good election results. He is not for resolving conflicts,
he is for managing conflict, and he is doing that well.
Russia’s
Putin plays ball with Bibi, too. Perhaps he does not like Bibi’s
relentless attacks on Syria, perhaps his heart goes for Palestinians,
but he is a cautious statesman, and he does not want to antagonise the
man who can mobilise American Jews into an action against Russia. There
are enough American Jews against Russia and against Putin as things are;
Putin does not need more. Besides, the Israeli opposition is not keen
on Putin; they are lining up with the US Democrats and with Brussels
Europeans. They called for direct intervention in Syria on the side of
‘moderate rebels’, while Netanyahu had kept Israel out of Syrian War and
did not obstruct Putin’s Syrian campaign.
Will
Netanyahu annex the whole of the West Bank, as he said during the
election campaign? Probably not; as nothing will be obtained by such an
act but making apartheid visible. Instead, he is likely to annex every
place where Jews live in the West Bank, turning the territory of
Palestine into a slug-eaten cabbage leaf. He also may annex Area C, a
bigger part of Palestinian territory presently under Israeli military
control and Palestinian civilian administration. The Jewish settlers
demand it, for, they say, Palestinians damage the contiguity of the
Jewish settlements.
The
Jewish religious parties came out stronger in the new parliament. They
also enjoy a very high natural growth with families of 5 to 8 children
average. They are not eager to compete on the labour market, and prefer
to be paid for studying Talmud and having kids. While it may annoy some
Israelis, in my view, it is an internal issue of little interest or
importance for anybody outside the Jewish milieu.
Is
there a possible solution for the conflict? It is definitely not the
Deal of the Century of Mr Jared Kushner, some yet undefined arrangement
usually done with smoke and mirrors. Probably One Democratic State,
where Jews and non-Jews are equal, is the only possible solution, as the
place is too small to divide but large enough to share.
Israel Shamir can be reached at adam@israelshamir.net
This article was first published at The Unz Review.
No comments:
Post a Comment