100.Plato's
Guardians: The Underground History of American Education by John Taylor Gatto
from archive.org
Plato's
Guardians
Coal
made common citizens dangerous for the first time. The Coal Age put
inordinate physical power within the
reach of common people. The power to destroy through coal- derived explosive products was an obvious
dramatization of a cosmic leveling foreseen
only by religious fanatics, but much more dangerous
as power became the
power coal unleashed to create and to
produce — available to all.
The
dangerous flip side of the power to produce isn't mere destruction, but overproduction, a condition which could
degrade or even ruin the basis for the new
financial system. The superficial economic advantage that overproduction
seems to confer — increasing sales by
reducing the unit price of products through savings realized by positivistic gains in machinery, labor,
and energy utilization — is more than offset by
the squeezing of profits in industry, commerce, and finance. If profit
could not be virtually guaranteed,
capitalists would not and could not gamble on the huge and continuous investments that a positivistic
science-based business system demands.
Now you can see the danger of competition.
Competition pushed manufacturers to
overproduction in self-defense. And for double jeopardy, the unique
American entrepreneurial tradition
encouraged an overproduction of manufacturers. This guaranteed periodic crises all along the
line. Before the modern age could regard itself as mature, ways had to be found to control
overproduction. In business, that was begun by
the Morgan interests who developed a system of cooperative trusts among
important business leaders. It was also
furthered through the conversion of government from servant of the republic to servant of
industry. To that end, the British government
provided a clear model; Britain's military and foreign policy functioned
as the right arm of her manufacturing
interests.
But
of what lasting value could controlling topical overproduction be — addressing
it where and when it threatened to break
out — when the ultimate source of overproduction in products and services was the
overproduction of minds by American libertarian
schooling and the overproduction of characters capable of the feat of
production in the first place? As long
as such a pump existed to spew limitless numbers of independent, self-reliant, resourceful, and ambitious
minds onto the scene, who could predict what risk to capital might strike next? To minds
capable of thinking cosmically like Carnegie's,
Rockefeller's, Rothschild's, Morgan's, or Cecil Rhodes', real scientific
control of overproduction must rest
ultimately on the power to constrain the production of intellect. Here was a task worthy of immortals. Coal
provided capital to finance it.
If
the Coal Age promised anything thrilling to the kind of mind which thrives
on managing the behavior of others, that
promise would best be realized by placing control of everything important — food, clothing,
shelter, recreation, the tools of war — in
relatively few hands, creating a new race of benevolent, godlike
managers, not for their own good but the
good of all. Plato had called such benevolent despots "guardians."
Why these men would necessarily be
benevolent nobody ever bothered to explain.
Abundant supplies of coal, and later oil,
cried out for machinery which would tirelessly
convert a stream of low- value raw materials into a cornucopia of things
which everyone would covet. Through the
dependence of the all on the few, an instrument of management and of elite association would be created far
beyond anything ever seen in the past. This
powerful promise was, however, fragilely balanced atop the need to
homogenize the population and all its
descendant generations. 1 A mass production economy can neither be created nor sustained without a leveled
population, one conditioned to mass habits,
mass tastes, mass enthusiasms, predictable mass behaviors. The will of
both maker and purchaser had to give way
to the predestinated output of machinery with a one-track mind.
Nothing posed a more formidable obstacle than
the American family. Traditionally, a
self-sufficient production unit for which the marketplace played only an
incidental role, the American family
grew and produced its own food, cooked and served it; made its own soap and clothing. And provided its own
transportation, entertainment, health care,
and old age assistance. It entered freely into cooperative associations
with neighbors, not with
corporations. If that way of life had continued successfully — as it has for
the modern Amish — it would have spelled
curtains for corporate society.
Another factor which made ordinary citizens
dangerous in a Coal Age was that coal gave
rise to heavy industries whose importance for war-making made it
imperative to have a workforce docile,
dependable, and compliant. Too much was at stake to tolerate democracy. Coal-fired industry had such a
complex organization it could be seriously
disrupted by worker sabotage, and strikes could be fomented at any
moment by a few dissident working men
with some training in rhetoric and a little education. The heightened importance to high-speed industry
of calculating mass labor as a predictable
quality rendered nonconformity a serious matter.
The danger from ordinary people is greatly
magnified by the positive philosophy which
drives a mass production, corporate management epoch. While it was
necessary to sensitize ordinary people
to the primacy of scientific needs, and to do this partially by making the study of biology, chemistry,
physics, and so forth formal school lessons, to go further and reveal the insights of Bacon and
Comte about how easily and inevitably
Nature surrenders her secrets to anybody in possession of a simple,
almost moronic method, was to open
Pandora's box. The revolutionary character of scientific discovery discussed earlier — that it requires neither
genius nor expensive equipment and is within
reach of anyone — had to be concealed.
It
was through schooling that this revolutionary aspect of science (once known or
at least suspected by tens of thousands
of small, subsistence farming families and miscalled "Yankee ingenuity") was hidden
right out in the open. From the start, science teaching was what it remains today: for the ordinary
student, a simplified history of scientific
discovery, and for the better classes, a simple instilling of knowledge and
procedures. In this transmission of
factual data and chronicles, the positive method remains unseen, unsuspected, and untaught.
Taught correctly, science would allow
large numbers of young people to find and practice the most effective techniques of discovery.
The real gift science confers is teaching how
to reach potent conclusions by common powers of observation and
reasoning. But if incidental
overproduction was already a crisis item in the minds of the new social planners, you can imagine what hysteria any
attempt to broadcast the secrets of discovery
would have occasioned.
The
General Education Board said it best when it said children had to be organized
and taught in a way that would not make
them "men of science." 2 To that end, science was presented in as authoritarian a form as Latin
grammar, involving vast tracts of
memorization. Children were taught that technical competence is bought
and sold as a commodity; it does not
presume to direct activities, or even to inquire into their purpose. When people are brought together to build a
shopping mall, a dam, or an atomic bomb,
nothing in the contract gives them latitude to question what they have
been paid to do, or to stir up trouble
with co-workers. Recruitment into the dangerous sciences was mostly limited to those whose family background
made them safe. For the rest, science was
taught in a fashion to make it harmless, ineffective, and even
dull.
Now my job is to open a window for you
into that age of economic transformation whose
needs and opportunities gave us the schools we got and still have.
Thorstein Veblen said back in 1904, just
a year or two before the forced schooling project began to take itself seriously, that "any theoretical inquiry
into cultural life as it is running into the future must take into account the central importance
of the businessman and his work." Insofar
as any theorist aims to explain aspects of modern life like schools, the
line of approach has to be from the
businessman's standpoint, for it is business that drives the course of events.
And while I urge the reader to remember
that no notion of single causes can possibly
account for schooling, yet the model of modern medicine — where the
notion of single causes has been
brilliantly productive — can teach us something. When medicine became "modern" at the end of the
nineteenth century, it did so by embracing germ theory, a conception much less "factual" than
it appears. The idea in germ theory is to trace
specific pathologies to single instigators. Whatever its shortcomings,
this narrowing of vision frequently
revealed the direction in which successful treatment lay.
Just so, the important thing in viewing
the development of the modern economy is not to
find in it a conspiracy against children, but to remain detached enough
to ask ourselves how the development of
forced schooling could have been any different than it was. To understand the modern economy and modern
schooling, we need to see how they grow
organically from coal and oil.
1. Coal
explains a part of the curious fact that modern Mexico is still not a mass
society in spite of its authoritarian governing class and traditional ways, while the wealthy
neighboring United States is. Mexico had no coal, and while it has recently
acquired oil (and NAFTA linkage to the
mass economy of North America) which will level its citizenry into a mass in
time, centuries of individuation must first be
overcome.
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