134. The
Struggle for Homogeneity: The Underground History of American Education by John
Taylor Gatto from archive.org
Chapter
Eleven: The Crunch
The thesis I
venture to submit to you is as follows: That during the past forty or fifty
years those who are responsible
for education have progressively
removed from the curriculum of studies the Western culture which
produced the modern democratic state; That the schools and colleges have, therefore,
been sending out into the world men who no longer understand the creative principle of the society in which
they must live; That deprived of
their cultural tradition, the newly educated Western men no longer possess
in the form and substance of their
own minds and spirits and ideas, the premises, the rationale, the logic, the method, the values of the
deposited wisdom which are the genius of the development of Western civilization; That the prevailing
education is destined, if it
continues, to destroy Western civilization and is in fact destroying
it. I realize quite well
that this thesis constitutes a sweeping indictment of modern education. But I believe the indictment is
justified and here is a prima facie case for entering this indictment.
—
Walter Lippmann, speaking before the Association for the Advancement of
Science, December 29, 1940
134.
The Struggle For Homogeneity
In 1882, an Atlantic
Monthly writer predicted a coming struggle for preservation of the American social order. European
immigrants were polarizing the country, upsetting the "homogeneity on which free government must rest."
That idea of a necessary
homogeneity made it certain that all lanes out of the 1880s led to
orthodoxy on a national scale.
There was to be an official American highway, its roadbed built from
police manuals and schoolteacher
training texts. Citizens would now be graded against the official standard, up to the highest
mark, "100 percent American."
In the thirty years
between 1890 and 1920, the original idea of America as a cosmopolitan association of peoples,
each with its own integrity, gave way to urgent calls for national unity. Even before WWI added its own shrill
hysterics to the national project
of regimentation, new social agencies were in full cry on every front,
aggressively taking the battle of
Americanization to millions of bewildered immigrants and their children.
The elite-managed
"birth-control" movement, which culminated one hundred years
later in the legalization of
abortion, became visible and active during this period, annually distributing millions of pieces of
literature aimed at controlling lower-class breeding instincts, an urgent priority on the national elitist
agenda. Malthus, Darwin, Galton, and
Pearson became secular saints at the Lawrence and Sheffield Scientific
Schools at Harvard and Yale. Judge
Ben Lindsey of the Denver Children's Court, flogging easy access to pornography
as an indirect form of sterilization for underclass men, was a different tile in the same mosaic, as
was institutional adoption. The planned parenthood movement, in our day swollen to billion dollar corporate
status, was one side of a coin
whose obverse was the prospering abortion, birth control, and adoption
industries. In those crucial
years, a sudden host of licensing acts closed down employment in a wide range of lucrative work — rationing the
right to practice trades much as kings and queens of England had done. Work was distributed to favored groups
and individuals who were willing
to satisfy screening commissions that they met qualifications often unrelated
to the actual work. Licensing
suddenly became an important factor in economic life, just as it had been in royal England. This
professionalization movement endowed favored colleges and institutes, text publishers, testing agencies,
clothing manufacturers, and other
allies with virtual sinecures.
Professional schools — even for bus
drivers and detectives — imposed the chastening discipline of elaborate formal procedures, expensive and
time-consuming "training," on
what had once been areas of relatively free-form career design. And
medicine, law, architecture,
engineering, pharmacology — the blue-ribbon work licenses — were suddenly rigorously monitored, rationed by
political fortune. Immigrants were often excluded from meeting these qualification demands,
and many middle-class immigrants with a
successful history of professional practice back in Europe were plunged
into destitution, their families
disintegrating under the artificial stresses. Others, like my own family, scrambled to abandon their home culture
as far as possible in a go-along-with-the-crowd response to danger.
One of the hardest
things for any present-day reader to grasp about this era was the brazenness of the regimentation.
Scientific management was in its most enthusiastic public phase then, monumentally zealous, maddingly smug. The
state lay under effective control
of a relatively small number of powerful families freed by the Darwinian religion from ethical obligation to a democratic
national agenda, or even to its familiar
republican/libertarian antithesis. Yet those antagonists comprised the
bedrock antinomies of our once
revolutionary public order, and without the eternal argument they provoked, there was no recognizable America.
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