Posted on April 8,
2012 by Kevin Ryan
Dick
Cheney and Donald Rumsfeld are among the leading suspects in the crimes of
September 11, 2001. Reasons for this include that they were in the most
powerful positions in the U.S. that day, that there is evidence they had
foreknowledge of the attacks, and that they did not respond effectively.
Other people who were closely associated with Dick and Don should also be
investigated if they were in positions to be involved. Richard Armitage
and Frank Carlucci are two such people. They both played important roles
with respect to the events of September 11, 2001 and, prior to that, both had a
colorful history of covert operations which intertwined and was aligned with
the careers of Dick and Don. Armitage and Carlucci both also benefited
from the War on Terror by way of profits made after the attacks.
For
the twelve years prior to the attacks, Frank Carlucci ran the Carlyle Group, an
investment firm with close ties to the most powerful members of the Reagan and
Bush I administrations, and to the Saudi Arabian oil industry. The two
major operating subsidiaries of that company were BDM international, for which
Carlucci was chairman, and the Vinnell Corporation. Working for Carlucci
at BDM from 1989 to 1996 was its vice president, Barry McDaniel, who left to
become the Chief Operating Officer for a an alarmingly suspicious
company. That was Stratesec, the security company that had contracts for
so many of the facilities associated with the 9/11 attacks.
On
September 11, 2001, Carlucci was meeting with Carlyle investors at the Ritz
Carlton Hotel in Washington, DC, along with the brother of Osama bin
Laden.[1] Former president George H.W. Bush had been meeting with them
the previous day. Today, McDaniel is business partners with one of Dick
Cheney’s closest former colleagues, Bruce Bradley, whose business partner Alan
Woods is mentioned below.[2]
Armitage
was one of the signatories of a 1998 letter to President Clinton from the
Project for a New American Century (PNAC), calling for military intervention
against Saddam Hussein in Iraq. In 2001, Armitage was the Deputy
Secretary of State reporting to Colin Powell. He was involved in the
secure video teleconference run by Richard Clarke that failed to respond to the
hijacked airliners. The week of 9/11, in Washington, Armitage met with
General Mahmud Ahmed, the head of Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI)
who ordered $100,000 to be wired to the alleged hijackers. Moreover,
Armitage was a director at Choicepoint, which provided DNA testing on 9/11
victims through its subsidiary, Bode Technology.
At
the time of the attacks, Armitage was the boss of Marc Grossman, Undersecretary
of State for Political Affairs, and Grant S. Green, Undersecretary of State for
Management. It has been reported that Grossman met with General Ahmed as
well, prior to 9/11.[3] As Undersecretary of Management, Green was
responsible for administration of U.S. embassies abroad as well as coordination
with the president on key management issues, and he supervised the State
Department’s Office of White House Liaison.
Green’s
position in the State Department put him in control of the Bureau of Consular
Affairs, which issued visas to foreign nationals. The Bureau’s new
express visa program, instituted under the leadership of Armitage and Green,
provided visas to five of the alleged 9/11 hijackers. Ten of the other
alleged hijackers had previously received their visas in the same U.S.
consulate office in Saudi Arabia. The express program made an already bad
system worse because the new process was one in which “The issuing officer has
no idea whether the person applying for the visa is actually the person
(listed) in the documents and application.”[4] That is, in terms of the
visas anyone could have taken the place of the alleged hijackers and Armitage
and Green were in a position to supervise that dubious process.
Therefore
Carlucci, Armitage and Green had interesting connections to 9/11.
Furthermore Green’s background recalls the secret history of Armitage and
Carlucci, two men who greatly influenced U.S. government policy in the 25 years
before 9/11.
Some History
Frank
Carlucci was one of the oldest and closest friends of Donald Rumsfeld, whose
role as Secretary of Defense on 9/11 was central to the events of that
day. They were college roommates together at Princeton and Rumsfeld
brought Carlucci into his first position in the federal government at the
Office of Economic Opportunity (OEO). Carlucci went on to become Deputy
Director of the Nixon Office of Management and Budget (OMB), and was later
appointed Ambassador to Portugal by President Ford.
Like
Richard Clarke, Robert Gates and Paul Wolfowitz, Carlucci’s career as a
powerbroker in the U.S. federal government transcended political
affiliation. That might be due to his charm and ability to work with
others, or it might be that he was an operative of deep state organizations
which transcended political parties. His history suggests the latter.
Before
joining the Carter Administration as Deputy Director of the CIA in 1977,
Carlucci had a long history of being implicated in world-changing covert
operations. According to the London Times, he was “accused of plotting
the 1961 assassination of Patrice Lumumba, who won independence for the Congo;
the overthrow of Chilean president Salvador Allende; coups in Brazil and
Zanzibar; and numerous other covert actions.”[5]
Carlucci
denied these accusations and none were proven, but such claims continued.
It was reported that Carlucci “was also accused by Italian communists of being
behind the kidnapping of Aldo Moro, and subverting the revolutionary process in
Portugal.” In Central America, the spokesman for the Sandinista Front in
Nicaragua told reporters that Carlucci “has
been a specialist in dirty work and coup attempts in the Third World.”[6]
Carlucci
was also “very close friends” with Ted Shackley, a man who was at the center of
a private network of covert operatives created after the U.S. government began
to cut back CIA activities in the mid-1970s.[7] Shackley and his
associate Thomas Clines knew Carlucci from the 1973 U.S-led coup in Chile, for
which Carlucci arranged funding via his role in the OMB. It was Shackley,
with help from George H.W. Bush, who maneuvered Carlucci into the position of
Deputy Director of the CIA.
Shackley
had a long, close working relationship with Richard Armitage as well.
While Carlucci was working in the Nixon Administration and later in Portugal,
Shackley and Armitage were funding covert operations from Southeast Asia by way
of drug trafficking. Vast amounts of cash were smuggled out of Vietnam
via this operation, along with military armaments, by Clines and another
associate, Richard Secord.[8]
In
1975, Secord was transferred to Iran as chief of the Air Force’s Military
Advisory Assistance Group (MAAG). With Shackley, Clines and others, Secord
established an arms sales company called Egyptian American Transport and
Service Corporation (EATSCO). Later EATSCO was convicted of embezzling millions
of dollars from the Pentagon. In the mid-1980s, Secord worked for The
Vinnell Corporation, a fact which surfaced during the Iran-Contra
investigations.[9]
Another
person referred to as a “silent partner” in EATSCO was Erich Von Marbod, who
later became Carlucci’s special assistant at a company called Sears World Trade
(SWT). Von Marbod was also the long-time mentor of Richard Armitage,
having supervised him in operations in Vietnam and Iran. In Sept 1975,
when Secord was relocated there, Von Marbod went to Tehran as the personal
representative of Defense Secretary James Schlesinger. Armitage followed
with his own “entourage.”[10]
In
1979, as the Shah was falling, Von Marbod negotiated (or extorted) a memorandum
of understanding from the Iranian government which essentially gave power
of attorney to the United States government to terminate all of Iran’s military
contracts. The document put Iran in a difficult situation with respect to
armaments just as it was facing a potential war with Iraq.[11]
Unofficial
U.S. aid to the Mujahideen in Afghanistan also began in the summer of
1979. Proxy agents coordinated by the Safari Club had been invading
Afghanistan for about a year prior to that. The U.S. aid to the
Mujahideen, a rebel group from which al Qaeda originated, officially did not
start until 1980 but went on for many years under the name Operation Cyclone.
This operation relied heavily on using the Pakistani Inter-Services
Intelligence (ISI) as an intermediary for funds distribution, passing of weapons,
military training and financial support.
With
help from the CIA, the ISI armed and trained over 100,000 insurgents between
1978 and 1992.[12] That is, the Mujahideen, and therefore ultimately al
Qaeda, was armed and trained by the U.S. and the ISI during the time when Frank
Carlucci was working as Deputy Director of the CIA, leading the Department of
Defense, and acting as CEO of SWT, which was discovered to be an arms sales
consultant firm. During this time, Armitage was a major driver of this
policy, traveling to Pakistan and Afghanistan and even meeting directly with
Mujahideen leaders.[13]
In
1980, Secord helped plan the efforts to rescue the U.S. hostages held in Iran
and some have expressed suspicions that he and Oliver North sabotaged the final
operation for political purposes. Coincidentally, David Rubenstein, the
founder of The Carlyle Group, had access to the secret plan for what turned out
to be the failed rescue attempt when he was “shuffling through some papers in
the president’s inbox.” Rubenstein was actually in the president’s office
by himself one night, supposedly looking for a memo. Dan Briody wrote
that “President Carter questioned Rubenstein about his late-night foray into
his office, asking him pointedly and repeatedly what he had seen while he was
there.”[14]
The
rescue operation appears to have failed through a hard to believe sequence of
mechanical problems with the helicopters. It was a challenging plan but
it never really got off the ground at all.[15] Initially, one of six helicopters
failed due to rotor blade malfunction, then a second failed in a sandstorm (the
common notion is that all of them failed in this way), then a third helicopter
failed by way of a faulty hydraulic pump. Finally, a ground-based
refueling accident resulted in the deaths of nine people. It was at this
time that “Carter’s presidency did not recover.”[16]
Sears World Trade
Considering
the Kuwaiti links of Stratesec CEO Wirt D. Walker III, including his leadership
of Stratesec’s Kuwaiti-based parent company starting in 1982,[17] it is
interesting that Ted Shackley also began working in Kuwait in the early 1980s.
It was George H.W. Bush, whose family has many ties to Walker, who helped
Shackley get established in Kuwait in the oil business.[18]
Back
in the U.S. at this time, Frank Carlucci was one of the most powerful people in
government. He was Deputy Secretary of Defense from 1981 through 1982,
while Armitage served as Deputy Assistant Secretary and then Assistant
Secretary. Despite having this important job, Carlucci left government to
run the mysterious SWT for a few years at the height of his government
career. After SWT lost tens of millions of dollars in apparently aimless
endeavors, Carlucci returned to be Reagan’s National Security Advisor (NSA),
and then his Secretary of Defense.
Just
before leaving his position as Deputy Secretary of Defense, in 1982, Carlucci
did a favor for Secord. After being suspended from his DOD job for three
months while he was being investigated by the FBI about his links to EATSCO,
Secord was reinstated by Carlucci.
Secord retired a year later and established Stanford Technology Trading
Group International, which used “a complex web of secret Swiss bank accounts
and shell corporations “to build “a lucrative Enterprise from covert-operations
business assigned to them by Lt. Col. Oliver L. North.”[19]
It was at this time that Carlucci left his DOD post for SWT,
a company which was ostensibly designed to replicate a Japanese-style trading
company. Through review of the company’s operations, however, Fortune
Magazine suggested that SWT was actually “providing cover jobs for US
intelligence operations.” The accusation was supported when the
Washington Post revealed the existence of a secret SWT subsidiary called IPAC.
Carlucci
joined SWT when Roderick M. Hills, former Chairman of the U.S. Securities and
Exchange Commission (1975 to 1977), was its chairman. Hills quickly
noticed that he was no longer in charge. In an interview with author
Joseph Trento, Hills remarked that he was — “shocked to see that Carlucci hired Von Marbod when we all knew he was
under criminal investigation… When I went down to the Sears World Trade
Washington office across from the National Archives, the place looked like
spook central. Carlucci was answering to a higher authority, and I don’t think
it had anything to do with world trade for profit.”[20] Hills
resigned in April 1984, leaving SWT to Carlucci.
Carlucci
hired Von Marbod at a salary of $200,000 per year, or approximately half a
million per year in today’s dollars. The company had 1,100 employees in
offices around the world but Von Marbod worked with Carlucci in Washington,
DC. Carlucci hired some other interesting people to run this “spook
central” operation. There was:
- S. Linn Williams, a Princeton graduate who wasthe Vice President and General Counsel for SWT. For many years after his stint there, Williams was with Gibson Dunn & Crutcher, the law firm that employed U.S. Customs Commissioner Robert Bonner, who played an important role in the identification of the alleged 9/11 hijackers, and Ted Olson, whose testimony was critical to the official story about Flight 77.[21]
- Arthur P. Ismay was SWT’s Director of Countertrade. Countertrade was an important function for SWT and was also critical to Iran’s ability to obtain the arms it needed at the time. Interestingly, from July 1962 to June 1964 Ismay was the Officer-In-Charge of the presidential yacht USS Sequoia. President Kennedy held strategy meetings on the Sequoia during the Cuban Missile Crisis, and had his last birthday party on the yacht. Ismay later said he had information implicating a colleague in the Kennedy assassination.[22] He was never questioned about it and, instead, he was told to destroy the ship’s logbook.[23] Ismay went on to become a swift boat commander in Vietnam. After military service, he worked for Rockwell International, the company that was the predecessor to Stratesec’s sister companies, Aviation General and Commander Aircraft.[24]
- Alan Woods was Vice President of Technology for SWT from 1983 to 1985. In his book, Dick Cheney mentioned the importance of the firm Bradley Woods to his own career in the 1970s. And as stated before, Stratesec COO Barry McDaniel is now in close business partnership with Woods partner, Bruce Bradley. Woods had previously served in the Ford DOD as Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs; Special Assistant to the Secretary (Rumsfeld); and as Deputy Director of Presidential Personnel at the White House. After his time with SWT, Woods became a U.S. Trade Representative in the Reagan Administration.
SWT
is also where Grant Green comes into the picture. As stated before,
Green’s role as Undersecretary of Management in 2001, under Armitage, put
him in a position to supervise the issuance of visas to a number of the alleged
9/11 hijackers.
Green
worked for SWT during the same four years as Carlucci, from 1983 through
1986. In fact, he was Carlucci’s assistant at SWT and then followed
Carlucci to the Reagan Administration, serving as Special Assistant to the
President on National Security Affairs while Carlucci was Reagan’s National
Security Advisor (NSA).[25] In December 1987, Reagan nominated Green as
Assistant Secretary of Defense and Green served in that role for two years
under Carlucci, who became Secretary of Defense.
For
some reason, Green has made a point of being secretive about his connection to
another company created and run by Frank Carlucci. His resume does not
list the company name but only refers to it as a “Major Consulting and
Marketing Company.”[26] From 1989 to 1996, Green was Executive Vice
President and Chief Operating Officer of this mysterious firm. Through
his political contributions, we can see that this was IPAC, or the
International Planning and Analysis Center.[27]
IPAC
was the “consulting arm” of SWT. And although SWT lasted only four years
after suffering huge, inexplicable losses, IPAC went on for years after that
and conducted business in a secret way similar to that used to accomplish the
Iran-Contra crimes. As author Dan Briody wrote — “Using a subsidiary of
SWT called the International Planning and Analysis Center, Carlucci consulted
on the buying and selling of anti-aircraft missiles, radar, jets, and other
military equipment for the United States and Canada. IPAC was loaded
with ex-military, and also provided consulting to Third World countries. But
nobody within SWT even knew about it.”[28]
Given
the fact that anti-aircraft missiles were just the kind of arms that Iran was
being sold as part of the Iran-Contra crimes, and that SWT was conducting this
consulting at the very same time, it is highly likely that Carlucci’s company
was coordinating the arms sales to Iran. The Philadelphia Inquirer
suggested exactly that, saying — “this hallowed American institution [Sears]
served as consultant in the Iranian arms sale.”[29] Furthermore, the
SWT-consulted arms sales were said to be accomplished with “funding from the
State Department’s Agency for International Development.” The leaders of
the U.S. State department at the time included Assistant Secretary Paul
Wolfowitz, who was Deputy Secretary of Defense on 9/11.
A Familiar Failure to Investigate
and Prosecute
In
November 1986, just a month after SWT was dissolved, the Tower Commission was
appointed by Reagan to investigate the Iran-Contra scandal. The
commissioners included Senator John Tower, former NSA Brent Scowcroft, and
former Secretary of State Edmund Muskie. Stephen Hadley, who would be
Deputy NSA on 9/11, was Counsel for the commission. It was revealed that
military arms including TOW anti-tank missiles and Hawk anti-aircraft missiles
were sent to Iran with the help of two middlemen: Manucher Ghorbanifar and
Adnan Khashoggi. CIA Director William Casey was thought to have conceived
the plan. Casey was reported to be stricken ill hours before he would testify
and he died under mysterious circumstances just six days later.
In
November 1987, a report was issued by the “Congressional committees
investigating the Iran- Contra Affair,” led by Democrat Lee Hamilton (who later
was vice-chairman of the 9/11 Commission) and Republican Dick Cheney. The
report stated that Reagan’s administration exhibited “secrecy, deception and
disdain for the law.” Hamilton chose not to investigate Reagan or Vice
President Bush, however, saying that he did not think it would be “good for the
country” to put the public through another impeachment trial.[30]
Hamilton’s
report mentioned that the missiles involved “were sold from Israeli stock with
U.S. approval. The remaining materiel came from U.S. stocks.” In
other words, at least some of the weapons sold to Iran as part of the
Iran-Contra crimes came through the Army Materiel Command (AMC), at the time
managed by Barry McDaniel and his colleagues.
During
the years when Carlucci was running SWT and IPAC, McDaniel was the Deputy
Director for Readiness at the U.S. AMC. McDaniel was the main logistics
administrator for AMC’s commanding general, Richard H. Thompson. Thompson
and McDaniel were responsible for procuring and fielding all of the weapons
systems for the Army—a job that entailed spending tens of billions of dollars
to buy and maintain tanks, helicopters, missiles, sensors, and communications
equipment.
In
an interview as he was leaving the job in 1988, McDaniel recalled his
supervision of the military’s acquisition officers worldwide.[31] He also
made mention of the importance of the Southwest Asia Petroleum Distribution
Project (SWAPDOP) during his tenure. Apparently, pipelines and petroleum
in this area of the world, which includes the Middle East, Afghanistan, Iran
and Pakistan, had something to do with the deployment of U.S. Army materiel
during the mid 1980s. What McDaniel’s role in that deployment was, and what it
might have had to do with arming the Mujahideen, is not yet clear.
Independent
counsel Lawrence Walsh continued the appearance of an investigation into
Iran-Contra until issuing his final report in 1993. It gradually emerged
that Secord, Armitage, Casey, Clines, Oliver North, John Singlaub, and Edwin
Wilson were involved in the conspiracy to provide arms to the Contras.
Walsh accused Armitage of providing false testimony during the
investigation.
Although
NSA John Poindexter and Oliver North were convicted in the case, those
convictions were ultimately overturned. And none of the investigations
pursued links between Frank Carlucci, SWT or IPAC in the Iran-Contra affair.
Ironically, Carlucci came back to the Reagan Administration just as these
investigations were beginning as a replacement for Poindexter, in order to calm
public concerns. Carlucci was backed for the job by Defense Secretary
Caspar Weinberger, Secretary of State George Shultz and CIA Director Casey.[32]
When
George Bush became president he set about rewarding those who had helped
cover-up the Iran-Contra crimes. Bush appointed Armitage as a negotiator
and mediator in the Middle East. Brent Scowcroft became his NSA and John
Tower was nominated to be Secretary of Defense. When the Senate refused to
confirm Tower, Bush gave the job to Cheney. Later, six people who had
been charged with offenses related to Iran-Contra, including PNAC members
Weinberger and Elliott Abrams, were pardoned by Bush.
Carlucci’s
tenure as Secretary of Defense resulted in an investigation into vast
corruption at the Pentagon, called Operation Ill Wind. This investigation
initially focused on Melvyn Paisley, who was a Navy contracts specialist in DOD
and a consultant for BDM International. Not long afterward, the Carlucci
run Carlyle Group bought BDM and Carlucci became chairman of the company.
He immediately brought in former Kissinger assistant Phillip Odeen and future
Stratesec COO Barry McDaniel.
McDaniel’s
choice to leave his long career in military acquisitions to go into industry
could be understandable, despite the fact that he was on track to become an
Assistant Secretary of the DOD by his own assessment. And BDM
International, although mired in the Operation Ill Wind scandal at the time he
joined them, was a lucrative company to hire onto considering all the “black
projects” they began to secure. But it seems unusual that McDaniel later
gave all that up to become Chief Operating Officer for Stratesec, a badly
performing, relatively small operation. It is also odd that McDaniel’s
expertise in military logistics just happened to be the right fit for running
that airport and World Trade Center security outfit. That is, all of that
is odd unless McDaniel’s move had less obvious benefits like those of Carlucci
when he made what seemed to be an inexplicable decision to quit his powerful
position at the DOD to join SWT.
In
any case, the lack of thorough investigation and prosecution of those
responsible for Iran-Contra led to “strengthening the very institutions that
made their abuses possible.”[33] As a result, long-time covert operatives
like Richard Armitage and Frank Carlucci were able to carry on with the same
kinds of special operations that subvert democracy through secrecy and abuse of
the public trust. Years later, Armitage and Carlucci, along with
colleagues like Cheney, McDaniel, Green and Rumsfeld, were in positions to make
the attacks of September 11 an extraordinary sequel to the Iran-Contra crimes.
If and when an honest and independent investigation into 9/11 occurs, these men
should certainly be among those investigated.
[1]
Greg Schneider, Connections And Then Some: David Rubenstein Has Made Millions
Pairing the Powerful With the Rich, The Washington Post, March 16, 2003, http://www.wanttoknow.info/030316post
[2]
Kevin R. Ryan, The Small World of 9/11 Players: LS2, Vidient and AMEC,
DigWithin.net, Jan 1, 2012, http://digwithin.net/2012/01/01/a-small-world/
[3]
Michel Chossudovsky, Political Deception: The Missing Link behind 9-11, Centre
for Research on Globalisation (CRG), globalresearch.ca , 20
June 2002 (revised 27 June), http://globalresearch.ca/articles/CHO206A.html
[4]
Edward T. Pound, The easy path to the United States for three of the 9/11
hijackers, US News and World Report, 12/12/01, http://www.usnews.com/usnews/news/terror/articles/visa011212.htm
[5]
Craig Unger, House of Bush, House of Saud : The Secret Relationship Between the
World’s Two Most Powerful Dynasties, Scribner, 2004, p161
[6]
Dan Briody, The Iron Triangle: Inside the Secret World of the Carlyle Group,
John Wiley & Sons, 2003
[7]
Joseph Trento, Prelude to Terror: Edwin P. Wilson and the Legacy of America’s
Private Intelligence Network, Carroll & Graf, 2005, p 124
[8]
Spartacus International, Profile for Richard V. Secord, http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/JFKsecordR.htm
[9]
Dan Briody, The Iron Triangle
[10]
James Mann, Rise of the Vukans
[11]
Joseph Trento and Susan Trento, The United States and Iran: The Secret History
Part One: Carter and the Shah, National Security News Service, July
27, 2009, http://www.dcbureau.org/20090727647/national-security-news-service/the-united-states-and-iran-the-secret-history-part-one-carter-and-the-shah.html
[12]
Wikipedia page for Operation Cyclone
[13]
James Mann, Rise Of The Vulcans: The History of Bush’s War Cabinet, Viking
Press, 2004
[14]
Dan Briody, The Iron Triangle, p 4
[15]
Pierre Tristam, What Was Operation Eagle Claw, the Failed Rescue of American
Hostages in Iran?, About.com, http://middleeast.about.com/od/usmideastpolicy/f/me090413c.htm
[16]
Pierre Tristam, What Was Operation Eagle Claw
[17]
Kevin R. Ryan, KuwAm and Stratesec: Directors and investors that link 9/11 to a
private intelligence network, February 24, 2012, DigWithin.net, http://digwithin.net/2012/02/24/kuwam-and-stratesec-directors/
[18]
Joseph Trento, Prelude to Terror, p 283
[19]
Lawrence E. Walsh, Iran-Contra Report
[20]
Joseph Trento, Prelude to Terror, p 283
[21]
The Traffail Group, profile page for Ambassador S. Linn Williams, http://www.taffrailgroup.com/Bios/Bio.aspx?id=20
[22]
For the report of Ismay’s information on the Kennedy assassination, see the
Mary Ferrell Foundation, http://www.maryferrell.org/mffweb/archive/viewer/showDoc.do?mode=searchResult&absPageId=303207
[23]
For Ismay not being questioned see William E. Kelly, JFK Countercoup, and for
Ismay burning the logbook see Patrick Gavin, Politico Click (11/23/10) http://jfkcountercoup.blogspot.com/2011/10/sequoia-jfk-assassination.html
, http://www.politico.com/click/stories/1011/were_jfk_yacht_log_books_burned.html
[24]
Rockwell International history, Commander History, http://rockwell-commander.tripod.com/history.htm
[25]
Reagan Presidential Library, Appointment of Eight Special Assistants to the
President for National Security Affairs, February 11, 1987, http://www.reagan.utexas.edu/archives/speeches/1987/021187e.htm
[26]
Commission on Wartime Contracting, resume for Grant S. Green, http://www.wartimecontracting.gov/index.php/about/commissioners/green
[27]
NewsMeat, Political contributions of Grant S. Green Jr, http://www.newsmeat.com/fec/bystate_detail.php?city=ALEXANDRIA&st=VA&last=GREEN&first=GRANT
[28]
Dan Briody, The Iron Triangle
[29]
Alice-Leone Moats, Weapons’ Consultants . . . And You Could Get It Through
Sears, Philadelphia Inquirer, December 16, 1986, http://articles.philly.com/1986-12-16/news/26070633_1_tangled-web-iranian-arms-sears-executives/2
[30]
Wikipedia page for Lee W. Hamilton, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lee_H._Hamilton
[31]
U.S. Army Materiel Command, Reflections of senior AMC officials, 1990, http://cgsc.cdmhost.com/cdm/compoundobject/collection/p4013coll11/id/863/rec/2214
[32]
Tom Redburn and James Gerstenzang, Reagan Picks Carlucci as New Security
Adviser : Says His Many Years of Service ‘Uniquely Qualify’ Him for Job, The
Los Angeles Times, December 03, 1986, http://articles.latimes.com/1986-12-03/news/mn-451_1_arms-sales
[33]
Johnathan Marshall, Peter Dale Scott and Jane Hunter, The Iran Contra
Connection: Secret Teams and Covert Operations in the Reagan Era, South End
Press, 1987
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