Managing a Nightmare: How the CIA Watched Over
the Destruction of Gary Webb
Eighteen years after it was published,
“Dark Alliance,” the San Jose Mercury
News’s bombshell investigation into links between the cocaine trade,
Nicaragua’s Contra rebels, and African American neighborhoods in California,
remains one of the most explosive and controversial exposés in American
journalism.
The 20,000-word series enraged black
communities, prompted Congressional hearings, and became one of the first major
national security stories in history to blow up online. It also sparked an
aggressive backlash from the nation’s most powerful media outlets, which
devoted considerable resources to discredit author Gary Webb’s reporting. Their
efforts succeeded, costing Webb his career. On December 10, 2004, the
journalist was found dead in his apartment, having ended his eight-year
downfall with two .38-caliber bullets to the head.
These days, Webb is being cast in a
more sympathetic light. He’s portrayed heroically in a major motion picture
set to premiere nationwide next month. And documents newly released by the CIA
provide fresh context to the “Dark Alliance” saga — information that paints an
ugly portrait of the mainstream media at the time.
On September 18, the agency released a
trove of documents spanning three decades of secret government operations.
Culled from the agency’s in-house journal, Studies
in Intelligence, the materials include a previously unreleased six-page
article titled “Managing
a Nightmare: CIA Public Affairs and the Drug Conspiracy Story.” Looking
back on the weeks immediately following the publication of “Dark Alliance,” the
document offers a unique window into the CIA’s internal reaction to what it
called “a genuine public relations crisis” while revealing just how little the
agency ultimately had to do to swiftly extinguish the public outcry. Thanks in
part to what author Nicholas Dujmovic, a CIA Directorate of Intelligence staffer
at the time of publication, describes as “a ground base of already productive
relations with journalists,” the CIA’s Public Affairs officers watched with
relief as the largest newspapers in the country rescued the agency from
disaster, and, in the process, destroyed the reputation of an aggressive,
award-winning reporter.
(Dujmovic’s name was redacted in the
released version of the CIA document, but was included in a footnote in a 2010 article
in the Journal of Intelligence.
Dujmovic confirmed his authorship to The
Intercept.)
Webb’s troubles began in August 1996, when his employer,
the San Jose Mercury News,
published a groundbreaking, three-part investigation he had worked on for more
than a year. Carrying the full title “Dark Alliance: The
Story Behind the Crack Explosion,” Webb’s series reported that in addition
to waging a proxy war for the U.S. government against Nicaragua’s revolutionary
Sandinista government in the 1980s, elements of the CIA-backed Contra rebels
were also involved in trafficking cocaine to the U.S. in order to fund their
counter-revolutionary campaign. The secret flow of drugs and money, Webb
reported, had a direct link to the subsequent explosion of crack cocaine abuse
that had devastated California’s most vulnerable African American
neighborhoods.
Derided
by some as conspiracy theory and heralded by others as investigative reporting
at its finest, Webb’s series spread through extensive talk radio coverage and
global availability via the internet, which at the time was still a novel way
to promote national news.
Though
“Dark Alliance” would eventually morph into a personal crisis for Webb, it was
initially a PR disaster for the CIA. In “Managing a Nightmare,” Dujmovic minced
no words in describing the potentially devastating effect of the series
on the agency’s image:
The
charges could hardly be worse. A widely read newspaper series leads many
Americans to believe CIA is guilty of at least complicity, if not conspiracy,
in the outbreak of crack cocaine in America’s cities. In more extreme versions
of the story circulating on talk radio and the internet, the Agency was the
instrument of a consistent strategy by the US Government to destroy the black
community and keep black Americans from advancing. Denunciations of
CIA–reminiscent of the 1970s–abound. Investigations are demanded and initiated.
The Congress gets involved.
Dujmovic acknowledged
that Webb “did not state outright that CIA ran the drug trade or even knew
about it.” In fact, the agency’s central complaint, according to the document,
was over the graphics that accompanied the series, which suggested a link
between the CIA and the crack scare, and Webb’s description of the Contras as
“the CIA’s army” (despite the fact that the Contras were quite literally an
armed, militant group not-so-secretly supported by the U.S., at war with the
government of Nicaragua).
Dujmovic
complained that Webb’s series “appeared with no warning,” remarking that,
for all his journalistic credentials, “he apparently could not come up with a
widely available and well-known telephone number for CIA Public Affairs.” This
was probably because Webb “was uninterested in anything the Agency might have to
say that would diminish the impact of his series,” he wrote. (Webb later said
that he did contact the CIA but that the agency would not return his calls;
efforts to obtain CIA comment were not mentioned in the “Dark Alliance”
series).
Dujmovic
also pointed out that much of what was reported in “Dark Alliance” was not new.
Indeed, in 1985, more than a decade before the series was published, Associated
Press journalists Robert Parry and Brian Barger found that Contra groups had
“engaged in cocaine trafficking, in part to help finance their war against
Nicaragua.” In a move that foreshadowed Webb’s experience, the Reagan White
House launched “a concerted behind-the-scenes campaign to besmirch the
professionalism of Parry and Barger and to discredit all reporting on the
contras and drugs,” according to a 1997 article
by Peter Kornbluh for the Columbia
Journalism Review. “Whether the campaign was the cause or not,
coverage was minimal.”
Neverthess,
a special senate subcommittee, chaired by then-senator John Kerry, investigated
the AP’s findings and, in 1989, released a 1,166-page report on covert
U.S. operations throughout Latin America and the Caribbean (summary here).
It found “considerable evidence” that the Contras were linked to running drugs
and guns — and that the U.S. government knew about it.
From
the subcommittee report:
On
the basis of this evidence, it is clear that individuals who provided support
for the Contras were involved in drug trafficking, the supply network of the
Contras was used by drug trafficking organizations, and elements of the Contras
themselves knowingly received financial and material assistance from drug
traffickers. In each case, one or another agency of the U.S. government had
information regarding the involvement either while it was occurring, or
immediately thereafter.
The
chief of the CIA’s Central America Task Force was also quoted as saying, “With
respect to (drug trafficking) by the Resistance Forces…it is not a couple of
people. It is a lot of people.”
Despite
such damning assessments, the subcommittee report received scant attention from
the country’s major newspapers. Seven years later, Webb would be the one to
pick up the story. His articles distinguished themselves from the AP’s
reporting in part by connecting an issue that seemed distant to many U.S.
readers — drug trafficking in Central America — to a deeply-felt domestic
story, the impact of crack cocaine in California’s urban, African American
communities.
“Dark
Alliance” focused on the lives of three men involved in shipping cocaine to the
U.S.: Ricky “Freeway” Ross, a legendary L.A. drug dealer; Oscar Danilo Blandón
Reyes, considered by the U.S. government to be Nicaragua’s biggest cocaine
dealer living in the United States; and Meneses Cantarero, a powerful
Nicaraguan player who had allegedly recruited Blandón to sell drugs in support
of the counter-revolution. The series examined the relationship between the
men, their impact on the drug market in California and elsewhere, and the
disproportionate sentencing of African Americans under crack cocaine laws.
And
while its content was not all new, the series marked the beginning of something
that was: an in-depth investigation published outside the traditional
mainstream media outlets and successfully promoted on the internet. More than a
decade before Wikileaks and Edward Snowden, Webb showcased the power and reach
of online journalism. Key documents were hosted on the San Jose Mercury News website, with
hyperlinks, wiretap recordings and follow-up stories. The series was widely
discussed on African American talk radio stations; on some days attracting more
than one million readers to the newspaper’s website. As Webb later remarked,
“you don’t have be The New York Times
or The Washington Post to bust
a national story anymore.”
But
newspapers like the Times and
the Post seemed to spend far
more time trying to poke holes in the series than in following up on the
underreported scandal at its heart, the involvement of U.S.-backed proxy forces
in international drug trafficking. The Los
Angeles Times was especially aggressive. Scooped in its own
backyard, the California paper assigned no fewer than 17 reporters to pick
apart Webb’s reporting. While employees denied an outright effort to attack the
Mercury News, one of the 17
referred to it as the “get Gary Webb team.” Another said at the time, “We’re
going to take away that guy’s Pulitzer,” according to Kornbluh’s CJR piece. Within two months of the
publication of “Dark Alliance,” the L.A.
Times devoted more words to dismantling its competitor’s breakout
hit than comprised the series itself.
The
CIA watched these developments closely, collaborating where it could with
outlets who wanted to challenge Webb’s reporting. Media inquiries had started
almost immediately following the publication of “Dark Alliance,” and Dujmovic
in “Managing a Nightmare” cites the CIA’s success in discouraging “one major
news affiliate” from covering the story. He also boasts that the agency
effectively departed from its own longstanding policies in order to discredit
the series. “For example, in order to help a journalist working on a story that
would undermine the Mercury News
allegations, Public Affairs was able to deny any affiliation of a particular
individual — which is a rare exception to the general policy that CIA does not
comment on any individual’s alleged CIA ties.”
The
document chronicles the shift in public opinion as it moved in favor of the
CIA, a trend that began about a month and a half after the series was
published. “That third week in September was a turning point in media coverage
of this story,” Dujmovic wrote, citing “[r]espected columnists, including
prominent blacks,” along with the New York
Daily News, the Baltimore Sun,
The Weekly Standard and the Washington Post. The agency supplied the
press, “as well as former Agency officials, who were themselves representing
the Agency in interviews with the media,” with “these more balanced stories,”
Dujmovic wrote. The Washington Post
proved particularly useful. “Because of the Post‘s
national reputation, its articles especially were picked up by other papers,
helping to create what the Associated Press called a ‘firestorm of reaction’
against the San Jose Mercury News.”
Over the month that followed, critical media coverage of the series (“balanced
reporting”) far outnumbered supportive stories, a trend the CIA credited to the
Post, The New York Times, “and especially the Los Angeles Times.” Webb’s editors began
to distance themselves from their reporter.
By
the end of October, two months after “Dark Alliance” was published, “the tone
of the entire CIA-drug story had changed,” Dujmovic was pleased to report.
“Most press coverage included, as a routine matter, the now-widespread
criticism of the Mercury News
allegations.”
“This
success has to be in relative terms,” Dujmovic wrote, summing up the episode.
“In the world of public relations, as in war, avoiding a rout in the face of
hostile multitudes can be considered a success.”
There’s no question that “Dark
Alliance” included flaws, which the CIA was able to exploit.
In his CJR piece, Kornbluh said the series was “problematically sourced”
and criticized it for “repeatedly promised evidence that, on close reading, it
did not deliver.” It failed to definitively connect the story’s key players to
the CIA, he noted, and there were inconsistencies in Webb’s timeline of events.
But Kornbluh also uncovered problems
with the retaliatory reports described as “balanced” by the CIA. In the case of
the L.A. Times, he wrote, the paper
“stumbled into some of the same problems of hyperbole, selectivity, and
credibility that it was attempting to expose” while ignoring declassified
evidence (also neglected by the New
York Times and the Washington Post)
that lent credibility to Webb’s thesis. “Clearly, there was room to advance the
contra/drug/CIA story rather than simply denounce it,” Kornbluh wrote.
The Mercury
News was partially responsible “for the sometimes distorted public furor
the stories generated,” Kornbluh said, but also achieved “something that
neither the Los Angeles Times, The Washington Post, nor The New York Times had been willing or
able to do — revisit a significant story that had been inexplicably abandoned
by the mainstream press, report a new dimension to it, and thus put it back on
the national agenda where it belongs.”
In October, the story of Gary Webb will
reach a national moviegoing audience, likely reviving old questions about his
reporting and the outrage it ignited. Director Michael Cuesta’s film, Kill the Messenger, stars Jeremy Renner
as the hard-charging investigative reporter and borrows its title from a 2006
biography written by award-winning investigative journalist Nick Schou, who
worked as a consultant on the script.
Discussing the newly disclosed
“Managing a Nightmare” document, Schou says it squares with what he found while
doing his own reporting. Rather than some dastardly, covert plot to destroy
(or, as some went so far as to suggest, murder) Webb, Schou posits that the
journalist was ultimately undone by the petty jealousies of the modern media
world. The CIA “didn’t really need to lift a finger to try to ruin Gary Webb’s
credibility,” Schou told The Intercept.
“They just sat there and watched these journalists go after Gary like a bunch
of piranhas.”
“They must have been delighted over at
Langley, the way this all unfolded,” Schou added.
At least one journalist who helped lead
the campaign to discredit Webb, feels remorse for what he did. As Schou
reported for L.A. Weekly, in
a 2013 radio interview L.A. Times
reporter Jesse Katz recalled the episode, saying, “As an L.A. Times reporter, we saw this series in the San Jose Mercury News and kind of wonder[ed] how legit it was and
kind of put it under a microscope. And we did it in a way that most of us who
were involved in it, I think, would look back on that and say it was overkill.
We had this huge team of people at the L.A.
Times and kind of piled on to one lone muckraker up in Northern
California.”
Schou, too, readily concedes there were
problems with Webb’s reporting, but maintains that the most important
components of his investigation stood up to scrutiny, only to be buried under
the attacks from the nation’s biggest papers.
“I think it’s fair to take a look at
the story objectively and say that it could have been better edited, it could
have been packaged better, it would have been less inflammatory. And sure,
maybe Gary could have, like, actually put in the story somewhere ‘I called the
CIA X-amount of times and they didn’t respond.’ That wasn’t in there,” he said.
“But these are all kind of minor things compared to the bigger picture, which
is that he documented for the first time in the history of U.S. media how CIA
complicity with Central American drug traffickers had actually impacted the
sale of drugs north of the border in a very detailed, accurate story. And
that’s, I think, the take-away here.”
As for Webb’s tragic death, Schou is
certain it was a direct consequence of the smear campaign against him.
“As much as it’s true that he suffered
from a clinical depression for years and years — and even before ‘Dark
Alliance’ to a certain extent — it’s impossible to view what happened to him
without understanding the death of his career as a result of this story,” he
explained. “It was really the central defining event of his career and of his
life.”
“Once you take away a journalist’s
credibility, that’s all they have,” Schou says. “He was never able to recover
from that.”
In
“Managing a Nightmare,” Dujmovic attributed the initial outcry over the “Dark
Alliance” series to “societal shortcomings” that are not present in the spy
agency.
“As
a personal post-script, I would submit that ultimately the CIA-drug story says
a lot more about American society on the eve of the millennium that [sic] it
does about either the CIA or the media,” he wrote. “We live in somewhat coarse
and emotional times–when large numbers of Americans do not adhere to the same
standards of logic, evidence, or even civil discourse as those practiced by
members of the CIA community.”
Webb
obviously saw things differently. He reflected on his fall from grace in the
2002 book, Into the Buzzsaw.
Prior to “Dark Alliance,” Webb said, “I was winning awards, getting raises,
lecturing college classes, appearing on TV shows, and judging journalism
contests.”
“And
then I wrote some stories that made me realize how sadly misplaced my bliss had
been. The reason I’d enjoyed such smooth sailing for so long hadn’t been, as
I’d assumed, because I was careful and diligent and good at my job,” Webb
wrote. “The truth was that, in all those years, I hadn’t written anything
important enough to suppress.”
Photo: Webb: Bob Berg/Getty Images; Kill the
Messenger: Chuck Zlotnick/Focus Features; Contras: Bill Gentile/Corbis
Email
the author: ryan.devereaux@theintercept.com
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