(36) From Marion's talk at the Circle of Justice public forum held in the evening of February 9, 1998 at the Simon Fraser University downtown campus. Marion prefaced her remarks by saying to Kevin Annett, “I heard about your work and I drove here all the way from Ontario to help expose this thing. I was threatened and warned not to come here.” She declined to say who had threatened her.
(37) From the extended interview given by Joan Morris on September 3 and 16, 2004 in Victoria and Nanaimo, BC. Joan is today still being denied access to her medical files, as is Kenny Quatell and other survivors of medical experimentation at the Nanaimo Indian Hospital, who have been told by their doctors that they cannot see their own records “for reasons of national security”. This seems to confirm the military involvement in the hospital. Many of the records of the Indian Hospitals are held in the National Archives in Ottawa. Until the spring of 1999, they were accessible to the public, but less than six months after the IHRAAM Tribunal into residential schools in Vancouver, all of the hospital records were classified and placed in a National Security restricted area of the Archives requiring government permission to enter.
(38)For a restricted account of Project Paperclip see the book by Annie Jacobsen, Operation Paperclip: The Secret Intelligence Program that brought Nazi Scientists to America (Little, Brown and co. 2014)
(39) From Edwin Black, ibid., pp. 242.
(40) From an interview given by Jackson Steene on Denman Island, BC on August 24, 2005.
(41) From an interview given by Cambel Quatell in Campbell River on March 4, 2005. Cambel is the brother of Nanaimo Indian hospital victim Kenny Quatell.
(42) From an interview given by Sam Adolph on June 4, 2007. Sam was a friend of fellow Kamloops survivor William Combes, and also confirmed the secret late-night burials at the Kamloops school. Sam died of unstated causes the year before William was killed in St. Paul’s Catholic hospital in Vancouver.
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(43)From an interview given by Ethel Wilson on June 10, 1998 in Vancouver, shortly before Ethel spoke at the IHRAAM Tribunal of June 12-14, 1998.
(44) From the record of testimonies given at the IHRAAM Tribunal and independently recorded by Eva Lyman and Kevin Annett. Ed Martin spoke at the Tribunal on June 13, 1998.
(45) From an interview with Steve Sampson given in Chemainus, British Columbia on November 9, 2005.
(46) From an extended, two hour interview with Sarah Modeste in Duncan, BC on September 12, 2002. Some of her statement can also be viewed in the film Unrepentant.
(47) Some of Eliza’s statement is featured in the film Unrepentant and on this link: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RBUd3UXt6fI
(48) From a telephone interview with Pat Taylor on November 3, 1999. (49) From a telephone interview with Lynn Sharman on February 3, 2006.
(50) From a series of interviews with Renee la Fortune in Victoria, B.C. during September, 2007. Renee was also the adopted daughter of Roger LaFortune, a military researcher who used native children from residential schools in grisly experiments in Toronto during the 1960’s.
(51) http://healthimpactnews.com/2014/mass-sterilization-kenyan-doctors-find-anti-fertility-agent-in- un-tetanus-vaccine/
(52) From an interview on March 1, 1996. (53) http://zombietime.com/john_holdren/
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(54) Irene's entire statement, given at a CBC TV “Town Forum” in Regina on July 3, 2008, reads: “I'm Irene Favel, I'm seventy five. I went to residential school in Muscowequan from 1944 to 1949, and I had a rough life. I was mistreated in every way. There was a young girl, and she was pregnant. And what they did, she had her baby, and they took the baby and wrapped it up in a nice pink outfit, and they took it downstairs where I was cooking dinner with the nun. And they took the baby into the furnace room, and they threw that little baby in there and burned it alive. All you could hear was this little cry, like 'uhh!”. You could smell that flesh cooking.” To view Irene’s interview, which was removed from the CBC website within 24 hours of it being posted, see: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CReISnQDbBE
(55) From Marion's talk, delivered at the Circle of Justice forum, Vancouver, February 9, 1998.
(56) The present study relies on the more accurate term “pedocide”, meaning the killer of children,
rather than the misleading term “pedophile”, which means “friend of children”.
(57) From a statement made to Kevin Annett on August 12, 2001 in Tofino, B.C.
(58) From a statement made to the IHRAAM Panel of judges, June 13, 1998, Vancouver.
(59) Cited by Dr. Jennifer Wade of Amnesty International in a lecture she gave in Vancouver on August 12, 1999.
(60) For example, the privately-owned “Children’s Aid Society” of Ontario, while posing as a state agency, makes on average $100,000 for every child they apprehend from its family and deliver to orphanages or foster care homes. This lucrative human trafficking system is replicated in every province.
(61) From Harriett’s remarks made at the Circle of Justice public forum of February 9, 1998 in Vancouver where she, Kevin Annett and others established the Truth Commission into Genocide in Canada (TCGC) See the Chronology above.
(62) Sutherland’s use of the term “Industrial Institutions” is significant, since under the Industrial
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Schools Act, any inmate could be legally incarcerated as in a prison for an indefinite period, and eventually, subjected to involuntary procedures including sexual sterilizations.
(63) See Appendix One for a complete list of offenses committed on Indian residential school children.
(64) From a statement by Vera Hunt at the IHRAAM Tribunal in Vancouver on June 14, 1998.
(65) This standard Admission form was discovered by Kevin Annett in his archival research at the University of British Columbia early in the spring of 1996, and was successfully used in court to convict the United Church and government of joint liability for residential school crimes. The Admission form was established in 1929 after the government transferred legal guardianship power over Indian children to the churches that ran the residential schools.
(66) All of the churches reaped huge financial profits from this system of exploiting students as forced and unpaid labor, and was one of the main reasons these churches lobbied continually to keep the residential schools operating.
(67) Countless survivors refer to the lack of formal teaching hours in the schools and how their predominant time was spent in manual labor.
(68) From Lillian Shirt’s statement of February 8, 2006 recorded in part in the film Unrepentant. This practice of not funding Indian students past a certain grade is enunciated in the letter in Figure 94 in which funds for the higher education of Indians is explicitly denied as a matter of policy.
(69) This practice is described in the testimonies of Harriett Nahanee and Vera Hunt (ibid).
(70) This witness was a former dorm supervisor at the Lytton school who requested anonymity. See an interview with this employee in Appendix Two, Testimonies, “Even War Criminals go to Church” by Kevin Annett (2002).
(71) From the statement of Virginia Baptiste made in Penticton on August 12, 2002.
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(72) From an interview with Willie and Mabel Sport on March 29, 1998 in Port Alberni. See a picture of Willie’s deformed feet in Figure 96.
(73) From a statement made by Delmar Johnny at a public forum at the University of Victoria on October 12, 2007.
(74) From an oral statement made by Doug Wilson at the same University of Victoria forum where Delmar Johnny spoke on October 12, 2007. At the same event, Charlie Thompson, one of the state- funded tribal council chiefs who in 1998 had threatened eyewitness Harry Wilson with death if he spoke about the dead body he’d found at the Alberni school, also threatened Doug Wilson. The latter refused to make any more public criticisms of the government Indian chiefs after this event.
(75) For an earlier citation of these conditions see also Hidden No Longer: Genocide in Canada, Past and Present (2010) at www.hiddennolonger.com .
(76) From an oral statement made by Sylvester Green to the Vancouver media at a protest organized by Friends and Relatives of the Disappeared (FRD) on March 31, 2007.
(77) See Kevin Annett’s statements in this regard at www.hiddennolonger.com, in the film Unrepentant, and in his many books, including Unrelenting (2016).
(78) “Canada’s squalid secret: life on native reserves – Income, education, life expectancy worse than in 62 countries” by Erin Anderssen, The Globe and Mail, October 12, 1998, page 1.
(79) From a statement made by Carol Martin on Hidden from History, Vancouver Co-op radio, on March 12, 2010.
(80) See the Indian Act of Canada, Revised Statutes of Canada (RSC) 1985.
(81) From the extended interview of Harry Lucas made during the filming of Unrepentant in the
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spring and summer of 2006.
(82) From the oral statement made by Larry Lavoie at the Circle of Justice forum in Vancouver on February 9, 1998.
(83) See Appendix One.
(84) From the extensive literature on the MKULTRA program, see especially a personal account by experimental survivor Ann Diamond of Montreal, in her book My Cold War (Diamondback Books, 2005)
(85) From an oral interview with Dennis Charlie. See also Dennis’ abridged statement in
www.hiddennolonger.com .
(86) See Sara’s book Always Remember Love for a complete account. This quote was taken from the first oral interview with her conducted at her Salt Spring Island home by Kevin Annett in the spring of 2005.
(87) A Sergeant Dan Gasseau of the NCIS, Canada’s military intelligence agency, confirmed the existence of this person in a phone call to Sara’s husband in January, 1994.
(88) This recording is held in the personal archives of Kevin Annett and a copy is held by the ITCCS. In the fall of 1998 and throughout 1999, copies of the recording were offered by Kevin to reporters with the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC), the Globe and Mail and the Vancouver Sun; all of them refused once they were told of its content.
(89) This same policy of disallowing funds to be used to create long term employment among aboriginal recipients has also applied to all recipients of the government’s so-called “Aboriginal Healing Fund”, which arose in response to and to deflate the impact of the 1998 IHRAAM Tribunal revelations of residential schools genocide.
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(90) This matter of deliberate and continued genocide in Canada is discussed in more detail in Part Three of this Report. Ed John’s particular role in this crime, and in the suppression of incriminating evidence by residential school survivors, is also highlighted in Part Three.
(91) In her statement to the IHRAAM panel, Blakeborough also referred to her brief employment on the RCMP's “Residential Schools Task Force” in North Vancouver from 1995-1997. “The whole thing was a farce, a big show with nothing behind it. All we did all day was to push paper around and look busy but we were never supposed to respond to actual survivors and their stories. To give you an example, the Task Force's top guy, Gerry Peters, got a call from some chiefs up on the north coast about a big grave they'd found of children's bones near one of the old residential schools. Some of them wanted to give their testimonies about what they'd suffered in the school. Gerry flew up there but he was back the next day. He never took one statement from the chiefs. That's the way we dealt with the issue.”
(92) This practice has been documented as occurring at the Coqualeetza (United) school in Sardis, British Columbia by Principal George Raley during the 1920’s and at the Mohawk (Anglican) school in Brantford, Ontario by Principal John Zimmerman during the 1940’s and ‘50’s.
(93) William Combes, from a statement made on the Hidden from History program at Vancouver Co- op radio on August 22, 2010.
(94) From an interview with Peter Yellowquill made on July 13, 2008 in Portage la Prairie, Manitoba. Peter is a traditional Anishinabe elder who is also featured on documentary footage used by the International Common Law Court of Justice and its case against Canada and its churches for genocide, found at these sites: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UvhfXAd08TE and https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OPKFk_L7y9g .
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Part Two: Concealment, Containment and Deception
As this was the property of, and conducted by, the church, care was taken to avoid too close (an) inquiry. - Indian Agent Gerald Barry, regarding a fire and the death of children at the United Church Ahousaht residential school, February 3, 1940 (Figure 114)
The policy of the Department is not to interfere with the work of any church on an Indian Reserve ... - Indian Affairs Deputy Superintendent Frank Pedley, January 21, 1904 (Figure 115)
Nobody wants to prosecute the churches or see them go bankrupt. - Truth and Reconciliation Commission Chairman Murray Sinclair, October 8, 2012
The Truth and Reconciliation Commission ... shall not hold formal hearings, nor act as a public inquiry, nor conduct a formal legal process; shall not possess subpoena powers, and do not have powers to compel attendance or participation in any of its activities or events ... shall not make any findings or express any conclusion or recommendation regarding the misconduct of any person or the possible civil or criminal liability of any person or organization ... shall not name names in their events, activities, public statements, report or recommendations, or make use of personal information or of statements made which identify a person ... The Commissioners shall not record the names of persons so identified ... - From Section Two, “Establishment, Powers, Duties and Procedures of the Commission”, Truth and Reconciliation Commission, Ottawa, 2008
The active concealment of the Canadian Genocide has always operated hand in hand with the crime itself.
As early as 1891, just two years after the opening of the first state-authorized, church run Indian residential school, the federal government began mimicking the missionaries' practice of concealing deaths of children in the schools by altering and deleting records of such mortality . This tag team
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operation continued unchecked during the history of the crime, and culminated in 2008 when both
Canadian church and state established the misnamed “Truth and Reconciliation Commission” (TRC)
to examine their own torture and killing of residential school children.
“They've granted themselves de facto immunity again, just like they always have when it comes to their
slaughter of our people” summed up traditional Anishnabe elder and survivor Peter Yellowquill, soon
after the TRC was launched. “I predict that the TRC will not find a single white person or a single church
guilty of any crime.” (95)
Peter's Yellowquill’s prediction was accurate. How could a body without any legal power do anything but comment ona crime while letting the criminals go free? The TRC mandate was crafted by the guilty to protect themselves while creating the appearance of an actual investigation: a continuation of the same dissimulation that governed the operation of the residential schools.
The evidence of this deception runs throughout the official record of the schools. Perhaps the earliest cover up of residential school crimes came from the top of the government system, in June of 1903, just a few years after the opening of the schools. In that month, Frank Pedley, Deputy Superintendent for Indian Affairs, authorized a new practice of deleting from residential school reports the names and numbers of all Indian children who had died after leaving the schools. Clearly, that number was very high. (Figures 116 and 117)
For example, the June 19, 1903 letter to Pedley requesting such a change in policy, from the Indian Commissioner for western Canada, stated that 191 pupils from the Qu'Appelle Indian School had died the previous year. This was an astounding 61% of the students at that school. (96)
In short, at the dawn of the 20th century and the residential school system, the top civil servant for Indian Affairs in Canada ordered the concealment of mortality rates among former residential school students by censoring them from all school reports after 1903. After that, no official account of school deaths could possibly reflect accurately the real level of mortality among Indian children; nor was it intended to. And yet today’s TRC erroneously relied on such whitewashed accounts as its sole “evidence” of a barely one percent death rate in the residential schools!
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This pattern of the government's official fogging of conditions in the schools remained constant over
the life of the system, especially after those conditions were threatened with exposure by honest
officials, civil servants or doctors.
The classic example of this was the government's suppression of the damning report of Dr. Peter
Bryce in 1909, and his subsequent railroading out of the civil service, after Bryce discovered that
tuberculosis was being deliberately and routinely spread among healthy students. (97) But in general
the residential school system's very structure was designed to allow institutional secrecy and easy
concealment of whatever occurred within it.
As late as the 1960's and '70's, residential school Principals retained absolute control not only over the children but the school staff, including the power over the latter to censor their letters and monitor their phone calls, fire them without cause and withhold their salaries. (See Appendix Nine) This military-like, pyramidal power structure was set up from the start to control information in and out of the schools as any system of wrongdoing does in anticipation of any possible “leaks”.
The efficiency of such control was demonstrated by how completely the crimes in the Indian residential schools were concealed from public scrutiny, including by the most senior government officials. Some of the latter used open duplicity, like Prime Minister Arthur Meighen, who in Parliament in 1920 lauded the “phenomenal success” of the very File Hills Indian school in Saskatchewan whose undisclosed but actual death rate the previous year, was 69%. (Figure 118) (98)
Others, like Duncan Campbell Scott who headed Indian Affairs until the 1930’s, openly legitimated the enormous death rates with statements like “If the schools are to be conducted at all we must face the fact that a large number of the pupils will suffer from tuberculosis in some of its various forms.” (Figure 119)
The same Duncan Campbell Scott did more than provide a broad justification for the deliberately- spread tuberculosis epidemic among students. He also actively exonerated and protected those who colluded in the infecting of Indians with the disease, in accordance with his concern about protecting the churches that he revealed in his March, 1910 letter depicted in Figure 119.
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In November, 1919 a Dr. A. J. Stuart who was medical inspector for Indian schools near Vancouver
was criticized harshly by a lower level Indian Affairs official for not detecting and stopping the spread
of smallpox from the catholic St. Mary's Indian school in Mission to many local tribes.
The official implied that Stuart had even facilitated the infecting of these Indians and demanded an
explanation. But D.C. Scott quickly intervened and exonerated the doctor, and even apologized to
him in writing, despite the fact that smallpox had definitely been spread by children under his care to
all the surrounding Indian villages. (Figures 120 and 121) (99)
Despite the meddling consciences of occasional employees of the system, it was demonstrated by the top officials like Scott that complaints of the residential schools were to be disregarded, and – as with today's TRC – the churches largely responsible for the sickness and death of children were to be shielded and automatically exonerated of any wrongdoing. No-one summed up this policy of official cover up more clearly than West Coast Agency Indian Agent P.B. Ashbridge in February, 1940, when, after investigating the death of children after a fire at the United Church School in Ahousaht, stated,
“As this school was the property of, and conducted by, the Church, care was taken to avoid too close (an) inquiry.” (See Figure 114)
However, it must be remembered that the real cloaking of this massive institutionalized extermination of Indians occurred through a mindset and practice of “Two Standards of Care”, common to any genocidal system, and adhered to by all residential school employees if they were to keep their jobs.
Dr. C. Pitts, a medical inspector for British Columbia residential schools, described that Two Standards
system in a letter of October 22, 1935 to Indian Agent R. H. Moore, in which he wrote,
“ ... were I to apply the standards of health to them (Indian children) that is applied to children of the
white schools, that (sic) I should have to discharge 90% of them and there would be no school left”
(Figure 122)
This lower standard of care for Indian children allowed a massive sickness and death rate among them to be considered “acceptable” by the government and churches, and was in that manner
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camouflaged: part of the normalization of genocide that makes it invisible to its perpetrators.
Significantly, this same Dr. Pitts was also involved in a blatant state cover up of the death of four boys from the Lejac Catholic school barely a year after he wrote his “two standards” letter: a case that continues to reverberate down through the decades.
The best justice we can do to this story, and the four dead boys in question, is to reprint the following news article that appeared in June, 2015 across Canada.
Why is Canada still lying about how four Indian boys died? A Post-Mortem Study of how a
Crime Carries On
By Kevin D. Annett
“I have been placed in the awkward predicament of sustaining the claim that the boys were fully dressed in winter garments, when of course they were discovered clad only in light summer clothing lacking even overcoats and footwear. To allege they were merely trying to visit their parents over the holiday does not correspond with the facts of their deaths.” - Dr. C.W. Pitts to Indian Agent R.H. Moore, January 4, 1937, after the Coroner’s Inquiry into the deaths
Two days later: “(The) Inquest showed (the) boys did not run away from school because of ill treatment but to spend holidays with parents.” - Dr. C.W. Pitts to Moore, January 6, 1937
The picture of their corpses appeared on the internet suddenly and conveniently this year. It was in fact the first time an image of dead residential school children was ever shown to the Canadian public, which says a lot. But why now, and why this particular photograph? Hold on to that question.
There are only three Indian boys in the picture, but four of them were said to have died: frozen to death on January 2, 1937 after fleeing from the Lejac Catholic school in central British Columbia. In the photo, the features of the three boys show no trauma, but are composed, their hair combed, and their arms tied neatly across their chests. Their corpses are also garbed in heavy winter clothing.
Someone dressed them up that way after they died, and posed their bodies for the camera.
The first Coroner’s report claimed that the boys were not found in winter clothes but rather in “light
summer clothing, lacking even overcoats and footwear.” Clearly, something terrible enough caused these 102
boys to flee from the Lejac Indian school in the depth of night, in a blizzard, with only the clothes on their
back. A cover story of their wanting to “visit their parents” was made up after the fact.
The same Coroner also reported that one of the boys had still been alive when their bodies were found.
But the final Inquiry report says that all the boys were dead when discovered. So what happened to that
fourth boy?
All of these inconsistencies were quickly concealed by government and church authorities in the days following their death. A fake story was issued. And that lie is still being propagated today, in accounts of the boys’ deaths published as recently as January, 2014 in the National Post.
So, why is there this continuing Big Lie? And why is this photograph being issued, right now?
The runaway boys’ names were Allen Willie, Andrew Paul, Maurice Justin and Johnny Jack, and they were all eight or nine years old. I know their story well, because I first came across it in the spring of 1999 as a doctoral student in Vancouver. The documents I unearthed then from Indian Affairs archives showed a clear cover up of what happened to the boys. And for sixteen years, not surprisingly, nobody in the media, government or academic world has wanted to look at what I unearthed.
That said, the evidence suggesting foul play and concealment is even more damning, when we consider
the identity of the Coroner who kept changing his account of the boys’ fate.
The man’s name was Dr. C.W. Pitts, the Indian school medical inspector for central B.C. He was also the
son of a residential school Principal who was accused during the same period of torturing children at the
Port Alberni facility. (See the 1998 statement of Willie Sport at www.hiddennolonger.com)
Dr. Pitts the younger wrote a remarkable letter to the local Indian Agent barely one year before the four boys died, in which he admitted that a genocidal “two standards of care” system operated in the residential schools, including at Lejac. Referring to his examination of Indian kids at Lejac and stating that such regular medical care of these children would “serve no purpose”, Pitts explained that,
“Were I to apply the standards of health to them that is applied to children of the white schools, I should have to discharge 90% of them and there would be no school left” (October 22, 1935)
In short, a lower standard of care for Indian children means that lots of them could die or suffer at an “acceptable level”, and it would never be reported or dealt with. This “two standards” was an effective and legal way for massive killings of children to occur. Two months after the death of the runaway boys, for instance, the same Dr. Pitts reported that children were routinely being admitted to Lejac who were suffering from “active tuberculosis”: a practice still reported a dozen years later at the same school, in
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1948.
It’s clear now that the Lejac school was a “Special Treatment” facility in which germ warfare and
experimental research was conducted routinely on Indian children by church and military doctors, just like
at the Catholic Kuper Island school, the Anglican Mohawk school in Brantford, and the United Church
facility in Port Alberni. And so it’s not surprising that the Lejac runaways of 1937 were driven to their
deaths and that one of them was killed to keep things quiet.
As part of Canada’s big genocidal secret, the official story of these four boys’ fate is an “approved”, sanitized account of residential school deaths; and as such, it is one required and usable these days by the government’s Holocaust-Denying “Truth and Reconciliation Commission” (TRC).
The TRC, after all, has publicly acknowledged that thousands of children died in the system. Now, they
have to produce the evidence behind their claim: but only the right kind of evidence, which will incriminate
nobody and continue the veil of secrecy over the “Special Treatment” programs. And that’s why we are
allowed to see only this one manufactured image of three dead Lejac boys, and none of the other
pictures hidden in the hidden military archives from which this picture emerged.
I still find it mind boggling how controlled a land is Canada, when not a single image of the dead is
allowed to emerge for decades, and only then at the hands of the perpetrators.
To say that the church and state criminals still have a firm monopoly on official truth is an understatement. What is truly remarkable is how unchallenged they continue to be in the eyes of otherwise “aware” Canadians.
But “one man and the truth makes a majority”, I have learned: and this latest exposure of how Canada
has continued to mask a cover-up of murder 78 years old shows that the residential schools Genocide is
hardly a dead issue, or a “resolved” one. The hunt for the assassins continues.
.........................
(See Figure 123 for the staged photo of three of the four dead boys that appeared in the National Post in January, 2014, and Figures124 and 125 for additional evidence related to this cover up.)
A Legacy of Lies
The archival record from the Indian residential school record abounds in fragments of evidence of a habitual and systemic deception to mask the rue extent of death and criminality in the system. School records were not only continually destroyed but censored, especially when the deaths of children occurred.
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For example, the May 1948 death record of a student named Reggie Allan at the St. George’s Indian Hospital in Alert Bay, British Columbia reports that the boy died of a “Fracture Skull”, and yet no cause of death was recorded underneath it. (Figure 126) Similarly, school attendance records would often list a student as simply “dead” without any explanatory note, as in the case of Louie Johnson, a Grade 4 pupil at the Sechelt Catholic school in early 1938. (Figure 127)
Indian Agents themselves acknowledged the concealment that was part and parcel of the Indian schools. In June 1993, agent E. H. Newham quoted a residential school Principal, one F. Arnfield, who said that a government commission in Winnipeg was “always receiving complaints and took no notice of them.” (Figure 128)
This history of concealment is evident in the remaining archival records from the Indian schools. In Figure 129, for example, a search for a listing in the RG 10 series concerning deaths of children in residential schools in the earliest years (1883-1898) resulted in the remark “no file found”. This pattern continues to the present day.
Continued Concealment
The continuity of the residential school cover up by church and state across the generations is starkly revealed not only by the Lejac story, but from numerous firsthand accounts of survivors.
Kenny Quatell, a Kwakiutl Indian on Vancouver Island, is a survivor of involuntary medical experiments at the United Church-affiliated Nanaimo Indian Hospital during the 1960's. In 2005, he described the continuing secrecy surrounding what was done to him as a child.
“They told my mother I'd died on the operating table when I was five. Then they took me off to the Nanaimo hospital and they had me there for years and did all sorts of tests on me. They made it so I couldn't have children. I was given drugs that made me sick and black out all the time. Then for God knows how long I was in the dark room (note: sensory deprivation tests). I remember these wires in my head, I had on a kind of metal hat and they'd give me shocks and I'd black out. I still get those twitches in my head.
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