Chapter
Five: KARL MARX AND HIS MANIFESTO: The Federal Reserve Conspiracy by Antomy C.
Sutton from archive.org
Chapter
Five: KARL MARX AND HIS MANIFESTO
The modern welfare state such as we have in
the United States has a remarkable
resemblance to the Communist Manifesto
supposedly written by Karl Marx in 1848. The ten points of the Marxian Manifesto, a program designed to
overthrow the middle class bourgeoisie
(not the big capitalists) have been implemented by successive Democrat and Republican
governments since Woodrow Wilson under
guidance of a self-perpetuating
establishment. Marx's big enemy
was the middle class, the bourgeoisie.
Marx wanted to seize property from this
middle class in a revolution led by the so-called working
class, or the proletariat. Unfortunately
for Marx the working class has never had too much liking for communist revolution, as we saw in
the Revolutions of the 1980s. In
practice, communist revolution is led by a handful of communists. How can a revolution be made
and kept in power by a small group? Only
because communists have always had help
from the so-called ruling class - capitalists and bankers. This aid and assistance has been consistent from
financing Marx's Manifesto in 1848 down
to the late 20th century when a David
Rockefeller-dominated Administration is helping Communist revolution and revolutionaries in Central
America, Angola and Mozambique. 33
The Federal Reserve Conspiracy
Let's start with the 1848 Manifesto. Marx wanted to seize middle class property. In the Manifesto, Marx
phrased the objective like this: In the
first instance, of course, this can only be effected by despotic interference with bourgeois methods
of production; that is to say by
measures which seem economically inadequate and
untenable, but have far-reaching effects, and are necessary as means for revolutionizing the whole system of
production. (1) To bring about this
"despotic" seizure of middle class property, Marx laid out a ten-point program of
"measures" as follows: These
measures will naturally differ from country to country. In the most advanced countries they will,
generally speaking, take the following
forms: 1. Expropriation of landed
property, and the use of landrents to
defray State expenditure. 2. A
vigorously graduated income tax. 3.
Abolition of the right of inheritance.
4. Confiscation of the property of all emigres and rebels. 5. Centralisation of credit in the hands of
the State, by means of a national bank
with State capital and an exclusive monopoly.
6. Centralisation of the means of transport in the hands of the State.
7. Increase of national factories and means of production, cultivation of uncultivated land, and 34
Karl Marx and His Manifesto
improvement of cultivated land in accordance with a general plan. 8. Universal and equal obligation to work;
organisation of industrial armies,
especially for agriculture. 9.
Agriculture and urban industry to work hand-in-hand, in such a way as, by degrees, to obliterate the
distinction between town and
country. 10. Public and free education
of all children. Abolition of factory
work for children in its present form.
Education and material production to be
combined} 2 ^ As we shall see
later, Marx's ten points for destruction of the
middle class have almost been completed in the United States. The
16th Amendment, for example (the income
tax) is an archaic political concept
that goes back some 4,000 years in history to the time of the Pharaohs in Egypt. The Pharaohs and their elitist advisors had
the notion that the entrepreneur, the
businessmen, and the workers of Egypt who produced the wealth of that civilization somehow were
not competent to manage that
wealth. These elitist advisors and
Pharaoh said, "Look, we're going to
force you people to do what we know you should. Because after all, were omnipotent, we are standing up here
looking down on all of you and we can
decide what is best for all. Much better than each of you can individually decide for yourselves. We're
going to force you to have a government
retirement program, so that when you reach retirement age you can retire with some dignity. We're going
to force you to do what we know you
should do, because we know you won't do it if left to your own devices. Also, we're going to force you
to have a government food storage
program. We're going to 35 The Federal Reserve Conspiracy _ store grain in the government granaries
because we know that you are not
competent - you are not capable of storing food by yourselves. "Furthermore, we know you can't take
care of your health so we're going to
force you to have a government medical program. We know health is important and we know that you
don't have the responsibility or
capability for looking after yourselves. We're going to force it on you for your own best interests. "The method used to accomplish these
objectives was to withhold a fifth part
of the production of Egypt. If you go back and read the Old Testament it says, "That the Pharaoh had
decided to take up a fifth power of the
production of Egypt and to store it in granaries for the benefit of all." The modern day proponent of the Pharaoh's
philosophy is none other than Karl Marx
and the Communist Manifesto. The Manifesto has
become the most significant economic document of the 20th Century. The significance lies in the unfortunate fact
that the Manifesto is the economic
guiding light of our leadership today, of the executive branch of our government and in most cases the
leadership of both parties in this
country who work to support and bring about the measures of the manifesto.
Basically what the Manifesto states is that when you have implemented these 10 programs in any free
enterprise system, "capitalism"
will have been destroyed and a communist state
established in its place. This is what Marx wrote: Strictly speaking, political power is the
organized use of force by one class in
order to keep another class in subjection.
When the proletariat, in the course of its fight against the bourgeoisie, necessarily consolidates itself
into a class, by means 36 Karl Marx and His Manifesto of a revolution makes itself the ruling
class, it forcibly sweeps away the old
system of production. Item 2 of Marx's
Manifesto reads as follows: A heavy,
progressive, or graduating income tax" This became the 16th Amendment of the United
States Constitution, the law of the land
in our country since 1913. Later on in
1913 we saw the passage of the Federal Reserve Act. Interestingly enough the idea for that
program is in Karl Marx's program in the
Communist Manifesto as Item 5 and is possibly the most important point in the Communist Manifesto.
Item 5 reads as follows: Centralization
of Credit in the hands of the state by means of a National Bank with state capital and
exclusive monopoly. In other words Marx
proposed a scheme exactly like the First
Bank of the United States and the Federal Reserve Act with establishment of a fractional reserve central
banking system on the model of the
earlier European central banks. Karl
Marx as a Plagiarist Marx was a
brilliant fellow. He was no fool. Marx knew that if he could place under the control of a small
group of men the ability to control the
supply of money and credit of any nation, he could boom or bust those economies almost at will. By
having foreknowledge of economic and
monetary policies, billions of dollars of wealth could be transferred from one group to another, from
the suffering middle class to the ruling
elite. To do this required propaganda and in the mid-19th century the pamphlet was an effective means
of propagandizing. A most interesting
feature of the brief Manifesto has been almost
universally ignored by academics, i.e., that the Manifesto doesn't
favor the working class at all and it
certainly doesn't favor the middle class
which is targeted for elimination.
37 The Federal Reserve
Conspiracy The Manifesto is a blueprint
for elitist control. The Manifesto favors takeover of political and economic
power by an elite. And when we look at
the source of the assistance given to Marx, it is clear that the benefits to the elite were obvious even in
the 1840s. Marx was certainly paid to
write the Manifesto, as we shall see
later. Furthermore, the Manifesto was plagiarized from an obscure French socialist named Victor Considerant,
and his work, Principes du Socialisme:
Manifeste de la Democratic au Dix Neuvieme Siecle, published in 1843. The second edition of
Considerant's work was published in
Paris in 1847, a year before the Manifesto and while Marx and Engels were living in Paris. The plagiarism was spotted by an even more
obscure writer, W. Tcherkesoff, and
published in precise detail in his Pages of Socialist History (Cooper, New York, 1902). Let Tcherkesoff explain Marx's plagiarism in
his own words: I felt myself stupefied,
indignant, even humiliated, when, about
a year ago, I had occasion to read the work of Victor Considerant, "Principles of Socialism:
Manifesto of the Democracy of the
Nineteenth Century," written in 1843, second edition published in 1847. There was reason
for it. In a pamphlet of 143 pages,
Victor Considerant expounds with his habitual
clearness all the bases of Marxism, of this "scientific"
Socialism that the parliamentarians
desire to impose upon the whole world.
Properly speaking, the theoretical part, in which Considerant treats of questions of principle, does not
exceed the first 50 pages; the remainder
is consecrated to the famous prosecution that the government of Louis Philippe brought against
the journal of the Fourierists, "La
Democratic 38 Karl Marx and His Manifesto pacifique, " and which the jurors of
the Seine quashed. But in these 50 short
pages the famous Fourierist, like a true master, gives us so many profound, clear, and brilliant
generalizations, that even an infinitesimal
portion of his ideas contains in entirety all the Marxian laws and theories -including the famous concentration of
capital and the whole of the
"Manifesto of the Communist party. " So that the whole
theoretical part, that is chapters one
and two, which Engels himself says "are on
the whole as correct today as ever," is simply borrowed. This "Manifesto," this Bible of legal
revolutionary democracy, is a very
mediocre paraphrase of numerous passages of the "Manifesto" of
V. Considerant. Not only have Marx and
Engels found the contents of their
"Manifesto" in the "Manifesto" ofV. Considerant, but
the form and the titles of the chapters
have also been retained by the imitators.
Paragraph two in the second chapter with V. Considerant bears the title: "The present Situation and
'89; the Bourgeoisie and the
Proletarians." "The Bourgeois and the Proletarians," is the
title of the first chapter with Marx and
Engels. V. Considerant examines
different Socialist and revolutionary
parties under the name of Democracy and his paragraphs bear the titles:
Stagnant Democracy; Retrograde
Democracy; The Socialist Party in the
Retrograde Democracy; The titles with
Marx and Engels are: 39 The Federal Reserve Conspiracy Reactionary Socialism Conservative and Bourgeois Socialism Critical Utopian Socialism and
Communism Would not one think all these
titles belonged to the selfsame work?
When comparing the contents we shall see that in reality these two manifestos are identical/ 31 Line by line Tcherkesoff demonstrates Marx
to be a common thief. The great Marx,
the adored Marx, rates no more than a third-rate school boy!
There can be no argument concerning the massive influence of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels on world
history. Yet, by contrast, the
secondhand nature of Marxist ideas and arguments have always been overlooked.
How about Marx's collaborator - Frederick Engels? The sloppiness of Engels' work has been
documented in the introduction to
Condition of the Working Class in England by W. O. Henderson and W. H. Chaloner (Basil Blackwell, Oxford,
1958). As far back as 1848 Bruno Hildebrand
compiled a detailed criticism of Engels'
book and particularly his biased interpretation of British government reports. Engels wanted to
prove a case and distorted the facts to
make the case. Further pointed out by Henderson and Chaloner, "Engels' vivid imagination was
sometimes used in lieu of facts."
For example, on page 118 of Henderson we find:
In evidence before a Parliamentary enquiry the Nottingham coroner stated that one druggist had admitted
using 13 cwt. of treacle in a year in
the manufacture of Godfrey's Cordial. But in
the 1887 edition of Engels this became "used thirteen hundredweight of laudanum in one year in the
preparation of Godfrey's Cordial.
" 40 Karl Marx and His Manifesto Laudanum is of course tincture of opium and
far different from treacle. The
implication is that the children of the working class were being drugged. Marx's Financial Backers Where did Karl Marx get his money? How did
he live? On investigation we find that
funds came mainly from four sources, and
each of these four sources can be linked to the ruling elite in
Germany and the United States. The conduit for financing the printing of
the Manifesto was none other than
Louisiana pirate Jean Laffite, who was, among his later occupations, a spy for Spain and a courier
for a group of American bankers. The evidence for this twist in modern
history has been ignored by modern
historians although the documents, authenticated by Library of Congress and other sources, have been
available for some 30 years. It is
extraordinary that the first academics to report this source of financing for Marx were writing in French,
not English! It was a French book by
Georges Blond entitled Histoire de la Filibuste that contains the remarkable story of Karl Marx as a friend
of Jean Laffite the pirate who
"financed the printing of the Manifesto of the Communist party." Where did Blond get his information? It originated
in two privately printed books published
in New Orleans by Stanley Clisby Arthur, Jean
Laffite, the Gentleman Rover and The Journal of Jean Laffite. These books contain original documents describing
meetings between Marx and Laffite and
the method used to finance the Manifesto.
Now of course if you look up the name Jean Laffite in the Encyclopedia Britannica, you will learn that
Laffite died in 1823 and therefore could
not possibly have financed Marx in 1847 and 1848. Unfortunately the Britannica is wrong, as it
is on many other points. Laffite went
underground about 41 The
Federal Reserve Conspiracy 1820 and
lived a long and exciting life as courier for American bankers and businessmen. Laffite's courier and underground work for
American bankers is noted in The
Journal: We employed four men as secret
officers to spy and report every
pertinent conversation and to make verbal reports about any new happenings. We carried out our secret
missions very well. We had only two
ships operating under private contract with
banking interests in Philadelphia. We decided, and took our oath, never to visit saloons or travel the same
route twice, or ever go back to
Louisiana, Texas or Cuba or any of the Spanish speaking countries.^
In the same Journal under date of April 24, 1848 we find the note: My interviews were brief, but direct. I
lived at the home of Mr. Louis Bertillon
in Paris and sometimes hotels. I met Mr.
Michel Chevreul, Mr. Louis Braille, Mr. Augustin Thierry, Mr. Alexis de Tocqueville, Mr. Karl Marx, Mr.
Frederic Engels, Mr. Daguerre and many
others. (5) Then Laffite goes on to the
eye-opening statement: Nobody knew the
real facts about my mission in Europe. I
opened an account in a bank in Paris, a credit in escrow to finance two young men, Mr. Marx and Mr.
Engels to help bring about the revolution
of working men of the world. They are now
working at it. (6) So here we
have it. Jean Laffite was the agent of American
banking interests and arranged for the financing of the Manifesto.
In The Journal the reader will find
other prominent names, i.e., Dupont,
Peabody, Lincoln and so on.
42 Karl Marx and His
Manifesto While Jean Laffite was in
Brussels he wrote at length to his artist
friend De Franca in St. Louis, Missouri about financing Marx.
Here's the translation of the letter
dated September 29, 1847: I am leaving
Brussels for Paris, in three or four weeks I will go to Amsterdam, then enroute for America. I
have had a number of conversations with
Mr. Marx and Mr. Engels, but have refused
to participate in the conferences with the other debaters to compose the manifest, because I do not wish
to be identified with the other
men. Mr. Engels is going with me to Paris
so that I may prepare a schedule to
finance Mr. Marx and him, for a long time in advance, to proceed with their manuscripts, and to put
in texts "Capital and Labor. "
From the beginning it seemed to me that the two young men are themselves gifted and endowed, I
firmly believe, with the highest
intelligence and that they merit this is justified by the statistic research in the discovery on
"La Categorie du Capital,"
Value, Price and Profit. They
have penetrated a forgotten time in the exploitation of man by man without halt. From the Serf, of
the Feudal Slave, and the Salaried
Slave, they discover that exploitation is at the base of all evil. It has taken a long time to prepare
"The manifests for the workers of
the world. " A great debate took place between the two young men and others from Berlin, Amsterdam,
Paris, and others from the Swiss
Republic. I am enthused in regard to
the manifests and other prospects for
the future, as I heartily support the two young men. I hope and I pray that the 43
The Federal Reserve Conspiracy
projects may become joined in a strong doctrine to shake the foundations of the highest dynasties and
leave them to be devoured by the lower
masses. Mr. Marx advises and warns me
not to plunge into all America with the
manifests because there are others of the same
kind for New York. But I hope that Jean or Harry will show the manifests to Mr. Joshua Speed, and he, in his
turn, can show them to Mr. Lincoln. I
know that nothing else can confuse it, as it would have the same chance. Its reception at
Washington would be a sacred promise
that the path that I am on is in conformity with the policy at present pursued in the Republic of
Texas. Mr. Marx accepts some of my
texts on the communes that I was forced
to abandon some time ago, weighing carefully rules and regulations not based on a strong
foundation, as so-called pure and simple
Utopia, without preamble or body, without an
apparent base to build on. I was in accord with the two young men at this date, apropos of my Utopian dreams of
the past. The sacrifice was made to
preserve the great manuscript that was
composed and its constitution, to endure forever with the radiance of the stars, but not for those in
power to abuse or exploit. Oh! to my dismay; I have agreed to the
abuses practiced in the last part of the
same year after the Dragon was eradicated and
utterly abolished. I have described my second commune which I was forced to break up and abandon to the
flambeau March 3, 1821, I then took the
resolution to withdraw without convert. I am
no longer aiding those who are opposed to my principles. 44
Karl Marx and His Manifesto I
must stop. I will bring several manuscripts and the manifest. I hope that Jules and Glenn are
progressing at school with Miss Wing and
Miss Burgess. I know they have much
patience as teachers. Glenn is not as strong as Jules. (6) The second source of American financing for
Karl Marx came from Charles Anderson
Dana, Editor of the New York Tribune owned
by Horace Greeley. Both Dana and Greeley were fraternally
associated with the Clinton Roosevelt we
cited in Chapter Three and with his
Roosevelt Manifesto for dictatorial government. Dana hired Marx to write for the New York Tribune. This Marx
did, in over 500 articles spread over
ten years from 1851 to 1861. Marx's
prime source of German funds came from his associate Frederic Engels, son of a wealthy Bremen
cotton manufacturer and subsidy provider
to Marx for many years. More surprising
is the subsidy to Marx from the Prussian elite.
Karl Marx married Jenny von Westphalen. Jennys brother Baron Ferdinand von Westphalen was Minister of the
Interior in Prussia (overseeing the
police department) while Karl was under "investigation" by this same Prussian department. In other words, Marx's brother-in-law was in
charge of investigating subversive activities.
Over the years the von Westphalen family
strongly supported Marx. For 40 years the Marx's maid, Demuth, was paid by the Westphalens and in fact
Demuth was personally selected for the
job by Baroness Caroline von Westphalen. Two of Karl Marx's early essays were actually written in
the von Westphalen estate at Kreuznach,
and money from the estate was left to Marx.
In brief, between the American bankers and the German aristocracy Marx was well funded for the
Manifesto and later writings. Why would
the elite fund Marx? Simply 45 The Federal Reserve Conspiracy because the entire Marxist philosophical
battery is aimed at extermination of the
middle class and the supremacy of the elite.
Marxism is a device for consolidating power by the elite. It has
nothing to do with relieving the misery
of the poor or advancing mankind: it is
an elitist political device pure and simple. 46
Karl Marx and His Manifesto
Endnotes to Chapter Five: (1)
Ryazinsky, Communist Manifesto, (New York: Russell & Russell, Inc., 1963) p. 52. (2) Op. Cit. (3) W. Tcherkesoff, Pages of Socialist
History, p. 56 (4) The Journal of Jean
Laffite (The Pirateer - Patriot's own story)
(Vantage Press, New York, 1958) p. 126
(5) Op. Cit. p. 132-33 (6) Ibid.
(7) From the translation in Stanley C. Arthur's Jean Laffite, Gentleman Rover (Harmanson, New Orleans,
1952) pp. 262 and 265. 47
Chapter Six ABRAHAM
LINCOLN: LAST PRESIDENT TO FIGHT
THE MONEY POWER 
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