Comparing China and America
Economies Diverge, Police States Converge
I
have followed China’s development, its stunning advance in forty years
from impoverished Third World to a huge economy, its rapid scientific
progress. Coming from nowhere it now runs neck and neck with the US in
supercomputes, does world-class work in genetic engineering and genomics
(the
Beijing Genomics Institute), quantum computing and quantum radar,
in scientific publications. It lags in many things, but the speed of
advance, the intense focus on progress, is remarkable.
Recently,
after twelve years away, I returned for a couple of weeks to Chungdu
and Chong Quing, which I found amazing. American patriots of the lightly
read but growly sort will bristle at the thought that the Chinese may
have political and economic systems superior to ours, but, well, China
rises whlle the US flounders. They must be doing something right.
In
terms of economic systems, the Chinese are clearly superior. China runs a
large economic surplus, allowing it to invest heavily in infrastructure
and in resources abroad. America runs a large deficit. China invests in
China, America in the military. China’s infrastructure is new, of high
quality, and growing. America’s slowly deteriorates. China has an adult
government that gets things done. America has an essentially absentee
Congress and a kaleidoscopically shifting cast of pathologically
aggressive curiosities in the White House.
America
cannot compete with a country far more populous of more-intelligent
people with competent leadership and the geographic advantage of being
in Eurasia. Washington’s choices are either to start a major war while
it can, perhaps force the world to submit through sanctions, or resign
itself to America’s becoming just another country. Given the goiterous
egos inside the Beltway Bubble, this is not encouraging.
To
compare the two countries, look at them as they are, not as we are told
they are. We are told that dictatorships, which China is, are
nightmarish, brutal, do not allow the practice of religion or freedom of
expression and so on. The usual examples are Pol Pot, Stalin, Hitler,
Mao, and North Korea, of whom the criticisms are true. By contrast, we
are told, America is envied by the world for its democracy, freedom of
speech, free press, high moral values, and freedom of religion.
This
is nonsense. In fact the two countries are more similar than we might
like to believe, with America converging fast on the Chinese model.
The
US is at best barely democratic. Yes, every four years we have a hotly
contested presidential election, full of sound and fury signifying
nothing. The public has no influence over anything of importance: the
wars, the military budget, immigration, offshoring of jobs, what our
children are taught in school, or foreign or racial policy
We do
not really have freedom of speech. Say “nigger” once and you can lose a
job of thirty years. Or criticize Jews, Israel, blacks, homosexuals,
Muslims, feminists, or transsexuals. The media strictly prohibit any
criticism of these groups, or anything against abortion or in favor of
gun rights, or any coverage of highly profitable wars that might turn
the public against them, or corruption in Congress or Wall Street, or
research on the genetics of intelligence.
Religion?
Christianity is not illegal, but heavily repressed under the
Constitutionally nonexistent doctrine of separation of church and state.
Surveillance? Monitoring of the population is intense in China and
getting worse. It is hard to say just how much NSA monitors us, but
America is now a land of cameras, electronic readers of license plates,
recording of emails and telephone conversations. The tech giants
increasingly censor political sites, and surveillance in our homes appears about to get much worse.
Here
we might contemplate Lincoln’s famous dictum, “You can fool all of the
people some of the time, and some of the people all of the time, but you
can’t fool all of the people all of the time.” Being a politician, he
did not add a final clause that is the bedrock of American government,
“But you can fool enough of the people enough of the time.” You don’t
have to keep websites of low circulation from being politically
incorrect. You just have to tell the majority, via the mass media, over
and over and over, what you want them to believe.
The
dictatorship in China is somewhat onerous, but has little in common with
the sadistic lunacy of Pol Pot’s Cambodia. In China you do not buck the
government, propaganda is heavy, and communications monitored. If
people accept this, as most do, they are free to start businesses, bar
hop, smoke dope (which a friend there tells me is common though illegal)
engage in such consumerism as they increasingly can afford and lead
what an American would call normal lives. A hellhole it is not.
Socially
China has a great advantage over America in that, except for the
Muslims of Xinjiang, it is pretty much a Han monoculture. Lacking
America’s racial diversity, its cities do not burn, no pressure exists
to infantilize the schools for the benefit of incompetent minorities,
racial mobs do not loot stores, and there is very little street crime.
America’s
huge urban pockets of illiteracy do not exist. There is not the
virulent political division that has gangs of uncontrolled Antifa
hoodlums stalking public officials. China takes education seriously, as
America does not. Students study, behave as maturely as their age would
suggest, and do not engage in middle-school politics.
In short, China does not appear to be in irremediable decadence. America does.
An
intelligent dictatorship has crucial advantages over a chaotic
pseudo-democracy. One is stability of policy. In America, we look to the
next election in two, four, or six years. Businesses focus on the next
quarter’s bottom line. Consequently policy flipflops. One administration
has no interest in national health care, the next administration
institutes it, and the third wants to eliminate it. Because policies are
pulled and hauled in different directions by special interests–in this
case Big Pharma, insurance companies, the American Medical
Associatiion, and so on–the result is an automobile with five wheels, an
electric motor but no batteries, and a catalytic converter that doesn’t
work. After twenty-four years, from Bush II until Trump leaves, we will
neither have nor not have national health care.
China’s
approach to empire is primarily commercial, America’s military. The
former turns a profit without firing a shot, and the latter generates a
huge loss as the US tries to garrison the world. Always favoring
coercion, Washington now tries to batter the planet into submission via
tarifffs, sanctions, embargos, and so on. Whether it will work, or force
the rest of the world to band together against America, remains to be
seen. Meanwhile the Chinese economy grows.
A
dictatorship can simply do things. It can plan twenty, or fifty, years
down the road. If some massive engineering project will produce great
advantages in thirty years, but be a dead loss until then, China can
just do it. And often has. When I was in Chengdu, Beijing opened the
Hongkong–Zhuhai-Macau oceanic bridge, thirty-four miles long.
In
the US? California wants high-speed rail from LA to San Fran. It has
talked and wrangled for years without issue. The price keeps rising. The
state can’t get rights of way because too many private owners have
title to the land. Eminent domain? Conservatives would scream about
sacred rights to property, liberals that Hispanic families were in the
path, and airlines would bribe Congress to block it. America does not
know how to build high-speed rail and hiring China would arouse howling
about national security, balance of payments, and the danger to
motherhood and virginity. There will be no high speed rail, there or,
probably, anywhere else.
China
has a government that can do things: In 2008 an 8.0 quake devastated
the region near the Tibetan border, killing, according to the Chinese
government, some 100,000 people. Buildings put up long before simply
collapsed. Some years ago everything–the town, the local dam, and roads
and houses–had been completely rebuilt, with structural steel so as,
says the government, to withstand another such quake. Compare this with
the unremedied wreckage in New Orleans due to Katrina.
Here
we come to an important cultural or philosophical difference between
the two countries. Many Orientals, to include the Chinese, view society
as a collective instead of as a Wild West of individuals. In the East,
one hears sayings like, “The nail that stands up is hammered down,” or
“The high-standing flower is cut.” Americans who teach school in China
report that students will not question a professor, even if he spouts
arrant nonsense to see how they will react. They are not stupid. They
know that the Neanderthals did not build a moon base in the early
Triassic. But they say nothing.
This
collectivism, highly disagreeable to Westerners (me, for example) has
pros and cons. It makes for domestic tranquility and ability to work
together, and probably accounts in large part for China’s stunning
advances. On the other hand, it is said to reduce inventiveness
There
may be something to this. If you look at centuries of Chinese painting,
you will see that each generation largely made copies of earlier
masters. As nearly as I, a nonexpert, can tell, there is more variety
and imagination in the Corcoran Gallery’s annual exhibition of
high-school artists than in all of Chinese paining.
People
alarmed at China’s growth point out hopefully that the Chinese in
America have not founded Googles or Microsofts. No, though they
certainly have founded huge companies: Alibaba, Baidu, Tiensen for
example. However, the distinction between inventiveness and really good
engineering is not always clear, and the Chinese are fine engineers.
With American education crashing under the attacks of Social Justice
Warriors, basing the future on a lack of Chinese imagination seems a bit
too adventurous.
(Republished from Fred on Everything by permission of author or representative)
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