Chapter 9: Final Judgment by
Michael Collins Piper: How the World Really Works by Alan B. Jones from
Third World Traveler
from the book
Final Judgment
by Michael Collins Piper
1995
Final Judgment
by Michael Collins Piper
1995
p230
John Kennedy [had] policy differences with Israel and its Mossad. There were perhaps three significant issues: Algeria, nuclear weapon development, and Palestinian resettlement... Israeli leaders felt that a new Arab state of Algeria would represent an added threat to the security of Israel, and since both
Kennedy and France's DeGaulle were supportive of Algerian independence,
those two men were to be regarded as enemies of the Israeli state. The feeling
toward Kennedy, however, went much deeper. The Israelis felt that Kennedy had
betrayed them. JFK's father, Joseph P. Kennedy, Sr., as Ambassador to Great
Britain in the late 30's, had been supportive of Neville Chamberlain and of his
policy of appeasing Hitler. Later in his life, he renounced his former views
and pledged his support for the Jewish community. That community remained
suspicious of him, however, and was even more so following John Kennedy's
Senate speech proclaiming his support for an independent Algeria.John Kennedy [had] policy differences with Israel and its Mossad. There were perhaps three significant issues: Algeria, nuclear weapon development, and Palestinian resettlement... Israeli leaders felt that a new Arab state of Algeria would represent an added threat to the security of Israel, and since both
Kennedy,
however, recognizing in 1960 that he needed both money and votes from the
Jewish community, made moves to appease the pro-Israel lobby, very
successfully, it turned out. His contact with the lobby was Abraham Feinberg,
president of the Israel Bond Organization, who later acknowledged, "My
path to power was cooperation in terms of what they needed - campaign
money." Kennedy met with Feinberg "and a host of other wealthy Jewish
Americans" in Feinberg's New York apartment. The group agreed to support
Kennedy to the tune of $500,000. Kennedy, said Feinberg, "got
emotional" with gratitude. To his own intimates, however, Kennedy was
outraged. He said that he was told, "We're willing to pay your bills if
you'll let us have control of your Middle East policy," and he vowed that
if he did get to be President, he was going to do something about eliminating
the influence of special interest lobbies - especially foreign pressure groups
- in American election campaigns. After his election, he did introduce such
campaign reform legislation, and he did proclaim an even-handed Middle Eastern
policy - that the United States "will act promptly and decisively against
any nation in the Middle East which attacks its neighbor," a policy
clearly directed at both the Israelis and the Arabs. Israel, says Piper,
"was not happy."
Of much
greater import, however, was Kennedy's stance on nuclear weaponry. Upon
becoming President, he was informed by the Eisenhower administration that
Israel was secretly developing nuclear weapons at a desert site known as
Dimona. Kennedy was determined to support a non-proliferation policy, however, and
set about, as one of his primary concerns, to derail the Dimona development.
Therefore, says Piper, "from the very beginning of his presidency, John F.
Kennedy found himself at severe odds with the government of Israel."
Israeli
Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion publicly announced that the Dimona project was
for the purpose of studying "desert flora and fauna." Charles
DeGaulle, who had helped Israel design the Dimona nuclear reactor as a power
plant, was not amused. Nor was John Kennedy. According to Israeli historians
Raviv and Melman, writing in 1990, Kennedy met with Ben-Gurion, stated his
position, and demanded periodic international inspection of the site.
Ben-Gurion resisted, and there thus began what amounted to a "secret
war" between Kennedy and Israel, which was not resolved until Kennedy was
killed and replaced by Lyndon Johnson. Author Seymour Hersh, writing in 1991,
said: "Israel's bomb, and what to do about it, became a White House
fixation, part of the secret presidential agenda that would remain hidden for
the next thirty years." Hersh, further noting that this secret war had
never been noted by any of Kennedy's biographers, evoked the following comment
from Piper: "If indeed it had been, ... the mystery behind the JFK
assassination might have been unraveled long, long ago."
For here,
found in 1990, was the missing motivation. The relations between Ben-Gurion and
Kennedy deteriorated down to the level of personal hatred. Ben-Gurion, who,
according to Abraham Feinberg, hated old Joe Kennedy as an
"anti-Semite," harbored a contempt for the younger Kennedy, says
Piper, that "was growing by leaps and bounds - almost
pathologically." Hersh writes that on Kennedy's part, he was getting fed
up with the fact that the Israeli "sons of bitches lie to me constantly
about their nuclear capability." Hersh then wrote, "Kennedy's
relationship with Ben-Gurion remained at an impasse over Dimona, and the
correspondence between the two became increasingly sour. None of those letters
has been made public." Given the fact of Piper's present book, those
letters today would be of very great interest.
Kennedy
further proposed, said Piper, that Palestinian refugees "either be
permitted to return to their homes in Israel or be compensated by Israel and
resettled in the Arab countries or elsewhere. Former Undersecretary. of State
George Ball writing in 1992, quoted as follows from a Ben-Gurion letter
commenting on the Kennedy proposal, sent to the Israeli Ambassador in
Washington for him to convey to Jewish leaders in America: "Israel will
regard this plan as a more serious danger to her existence than all the threats
of the Arab dictators and kings, than all the Arab armies, than all of Nasser's
missiles and his Soviet MIGs .... Israel will fight against this implementation
down to the last man."
Author
Seymour Hersh reported that in one of Ben-Gurion's last communications with
Kennedy he wrote: "Mr. President, my people have a right to exist and this
existence is in danger." He then demanded that Kennedy sign a security treaty
with Israel. Kennedy refused, whereupon David Ben-Gurion, on June 16, 1963,
resigned from office. Piper suggests that it was at this time, just before his
resignation, that Ben-Gurion gave the order to the Mossad's assassinations
chief, Yitzhak Shamir, to proceed with plans for Kennedy's assassination.
p234
JFK would not countenance a nuclear Israel, and Israel perceived Kennedy's Palestinian resolution and nuclear non-proliferation policies as threats to Israel's very existence.
JFK would not countenance a nuclear Israel, and Israel perceived Kennedy's Palestinian resolution and nuclear non-proliferation policies as threats to Israel's very existence.
p235
Joe Kennedy went to [Chicago Mafia boss] Sam Giancana to ask for his help in getting his son John elected President. Giancana ... asked what the quid pro quo would be, and Kennedy responded, "You help me now, Sam, and I'll see to it that Chicago - that you - can sit in the goddamned Oval Office if you want .... He'll be your man. I swear to that. My son - the President of the United States - will owe you his father's life. He won't refuse you, ever. You have my word.
Joe Kennedy went to [Chicago Mafia boss] Sam Giancana to ask for his help in getting his son John elected President. Giancana ... asked what the quid pro quo would be, and Kennedy responded, "You help me now, Sam, and I'll see to it that Chicago - that you - can sit in the goddamned Oval Office if you want .... He'll be your man. I swear to that. My son - the President of the United States - will owe you his father's life. He won't refuse you, ever. You have my word.
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