Coordinated, whole-of-government biological warmongering and war-profiteering, domestic and international.

Response to Robert Malone's Dec. 8, 2024 report.

Katherine Watt

Dec 10

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Orientation for new readers; American Domestic Bioterrorism Program; Tools for dismantling kill box anti-law

Some KW reporting on Robert Malone's public statements and omissions:

Nov. 18, 2022 - Immunomodulation and fear modulation. Plus notes on the current spin-up of the Ebola threat. (Katherine Watt) "...Robert Malone also made a passing comment about the threat of Ebola in his performance during the CHD panel discussion, while walking that thin, thin line between
a) the truth that governments, Gatesian-depopulation zealots, and pharmaceutical corporations “spin up” threats to maintain population docility, manufacturing capacity and market share, and b) the vested interest he shares with them, as a product developer who has worked in that space for many decades, in maintaining widespread fear of communicable disease outbreaks and fostering unthinking submission to government-directed, government-funded ‘countermeasures...’ ”
Oct. 28, 2023 - Whatever is in the biochemical weapons bearing Pfizer and other pharma labels, is there because US SecDefs and their WHO-BIS handlers ordered it to be there. Military contractors who work in the information space are erecting firewalls between that truth (Katherine Watt) - "...What Malone, Steve Kirsch and other DoD spokesmen are doing is a distraction maneuver to keep attention away from the intentional toxicity of the biochemical weapons, the DoD/WHO control of the programs, and the fact that biodefense is camouflage for
straight-up State-sponsored biowarfare, conducted by bringing pharmaceutical companies into the military-industrial-Congressional complex, calling bioweapons vaccines, and terrifying people into taking them under public health emergency and pandemic narratives..."

Some other posts in which I mentioned or quoted Malone linked at footnote.¹

Below are condensed, excerpted statements of fact and legal arguments as presented by Robert Malone in a post published at his Substack on Dec. 8, 2024, with my clarifications and corrections included in [brackets], followed by my translations. Full text available at Malone's Substack.

I think Malone's report provides support for the reporting and analysis that Sasha Latypova and I have presented in written and video formats.

To the extent the Dec. 8, 2024 Malone report can be construed as an accurate account of his views, one substantive area of disagreement may be our differing views on the validity of "communicable," "infectious" or "transmissible" disease models of human illness: the postulated but not-demonstrated pathogenicity — for an individual — of sub-visible allegedly disease-causing agents (i.e. 'viruses') and the postulated but not-demonstrated transmissibility — from host-to-host across populations — of sub-visible allegedly pandemic-causing agents.

I think the infectious disease model is not valid.

I think the invalidity of infectious disease models has been known to bankers, military and public health officers, physicians, bacteriologists, microbiologists, virologists, pathologists, toxicologists and immunologists for a long time and that communicable disease control, public health emergency, pandemic preparedness and vaccination programs and products have never been and are not now intended to protect or restore human health but are instead pretexts to facilitate intentional damage to human health.

Malone, based on his public statements to date, appears to believe the infectious disease model is valid, and that communicable disease control, vaccination, and pandemic preparedness are therefore important government obligations rather than large and long-running forms of government-sponsored deception, mutilation and homicide.

RM: "Quite a bit of controversy has been generated by those who assert that the Pfizer contract issued by the DoD for the Bio N Tech mRNA COVID “vaccines” proves that the DoD was the managing agency for the development of this product."

KW Translation:

Katherine Watt and Sasha Latypova have reported that the US Department of Defense managed the development, production and deployment of the Pfizer/BioNTech Covid vaccines, as part of a coordinated "whole-of-government" program involving Congress (providing statutory authority and funding); US presidents and National Security Council; DoD (including DARPA, DTRA, US-AMRIID and other divisions), Department of Health and Human Services-Public Health Service (including ASPR, BARDA, PHEMCE, CDC, FDA, NIH, NIAID and other divisions); Department of Homeland Security (including FEMA); Department of Treasury, Department of State, US-Agency for International Development and most if not all other federal agencies; the Federal Reserve; pharmaceutical drug and device manufacturing companies incorporated into federal government (by contracts and by executive proclamations under the Public Health Service Act, Defense Production Act, Stafford Act and National Emergencies Act); international quasi-governmental and banking organizations including the Bank for International Settlements, United Nations-World Health Organization; and non-governmental organizations including the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunization (GAVI) and Coalition for Epidemic Preparedness Innovations (CEPI).

RM: “The phrase “Pfizer did not commit fraud, but rather delivered the fraud that the US Government ordered” certainly has more than a grain of truth.”

KW Translation:

When Watt and Latypova report that Pfizer argued, in its April 22, 2022 motion to dismiss whistleblower Brook Jackson's False Claims Act case, that Pfizer, under its contracts with the US Army (managed by ATI for the US government Medical CBRN Defense Consortium/MCDC) was not required to comply with pharmaceutical clinical trial and product development and manufacturing regulations, and therefore did not defraud the US Government by failing to comply with clinical trial, product development and manufacturing regulations; and that the US Department of Justice supported dismissal of Jackson's case on the same reasoning (Oct. 4, 2022); and that USDC Judge Michael Truncale dismissed Jackson's case on the same reasoning (first on March 31, 2023, again on Aug. 9, 2024), they are correctly understanding and reporting the contents and legal effects of the relevant contracts and the record of US government (DoD, FDA, DOJ and federal judiciary) support for the project as carried out by Pfizer-BioNTech.

[...]

RM: “The purpose of this essay is to help the general public to gain more insight into the back story of this non-Federal Acquisition Regulations contract, which employed a non-traditional federal contracting vehicle known as an “Other Transactional Authority” contract.”

KW Translation:

When Watt and Latypova report that the development and deployment of the Pfizer-BioNTech Covid-19 vaccine was carried out as a military prototype development project under Other Transactions Authority contracting, and that OTA contracts are exempt from requirements that apply to FAR contracts, they are correctly understanding and reporting OTA law, the contents and legal effects of the relevant contracts and the record of US government support of the project as carried out by Pfizer-BioNTech.

RM: “...the two leading proponents of this theory of the case [whole-of-government, military-public health conduct of Covid vaccine development and deployment] (Watt and Latypova) have seen fit to repeatedly personally attack both myself and my wife Dr. Jill Malone for years now as part of their advocacy of this interpretation, presumably because of my long history of working with the US Department of Defense in the Biodefense sector, and in particular with the Defense Threat Reduction Agency Chemical and Biological Technologies Directorate (DTRA CB)...”

KW Translation

When Watt and Latypova report that Robert Malone has a long history of working with the US Department of Defense in the biodefense sector, they are correctly understanding and reporting on Malone's professional career as a military contractor working in the biodefense sector.

For examples of Watt reporting on Malone statements and omissions, see introductory section above or do a keyword search at Bailiwick for “Malone.”

RM: “A special federal contracting process known as an “Other Transactional Authority” or OTA... was put into place in response to...frustration relating to biodefense product development and acquisition under the standard contracting process that is subject to the Federal Acquisition Regulations or FAR...

The process of issuing and awarding a FAR-compliant contract can take up to two years...and...requires many legally binding commitments from the contractor...

Issuing and managing/overseeing/auditing FAR-compliant awards is very labor-intensive for the USG...the pool of trained and certified contracting officers (CO) is getting smaller...[and] a federal FAR-compliant contract [to do work for the USG] will add about 30% to 50% overhead to the cost of doing the work [as compared to] a private sector contract.

A government agency...tasked with rapidly developing medical countermeasures to engineered pathogens and emerging infectious diseases...developed...Other Transactional Authority or OTA...”

KW Translation:

When Watt and Latypova report that Congressional authorization of OTA contracts make it legally possible for federal government officers to quickly and opaquely funnel billions of dollars to private sector corporations and their shareholders to produce and deliver poisons (classified as "medical countermeasures" and vaccines) to injure and kill people, they are correctly understanding and reporting the purpose and effect of Congressional OTA law and OTA contracts.

RM: “By limiting the scope to just research and development of a “solution” through to a “demonstration” product (rather than actually acquiring the “solution” or “product,”) a simplified contract could be rapidly developed and issued, and the more burdensome contracting clauses could be waived...

To make this system run even faster...contractors could be “pre-qualified” as suitable for award of an OTA by making them pay a fee to a private company that would vet their suitability...the company that wants to get federal OTA contracts has to pay a fee to the outsourced private contracting company to pre-qualify them.”

KW Translation

When Watt and Latypova report that the biodefense consortium and contract management system is a legalized pay-to-play system, legalized graft, legalized protection racket, and legalized criminal enterprise, and that Pfizer-BioNTech and other companies in the Covid-19 vaccine supply chain are members of the legalized criminal enterprise, they are correctly understanding and reporting on how the consortium and contract management system works.

RM: “Money allocated to [HHS-]BARDA was [transferred]...from [HHS-]BARDA to DoD, and.. routed via the OTA [contract] to Pfizer....Very open-ended performance specifications, only for demonstration purposes, and...no oversight and audit requirements for Pfizer.

[OTA contracting] could not be used for the acquisition of a final product. But someone must have made the decision that an OTA could be used for the acquisition of an "experimental" "Emergency Use Authorized” product.

[The OTA contracts contained] no specifications about the “safety and effectiveness” of the “demonstration” product. Pfizer delivered precisely what the US Government decided to purchase...”

KW Translation

When Watt and Latypova report that HHS-BARDA and DoD officers are jointly engaged in a whole-of-government program, using contracts with corporations such as Pfizer-BioNTech, to procure and deploy intentionally unregulated, intentionally toxic weapons classified as "medical countermeasures" and vaccines; that Section 1.3(a) Objective: Prototype Project, of the July 21, 2020 Technical Direction Letter and Statement of Work defined "Success of the prototype project...as manufacture of 100M doses of Pfizer and BioNTech's mRNA-based COVID-19 vaccine and, upon FDA-approval or authorization as described above, delivery of those doses;" and that Section 1.3(b) Objective: Follow-On Production Contract/Options, authorized (under 10 USC 2371b(f), renumbered as 10 USC 4022(f) effective Jan. 1, 2022) "the Government and Pfizer [to] enter into a non-competitive, mutually-acceptable, follow-on production agreement for additional manufacturing of the vaccine without the use of competitive procedures...the Government may request that Pfizer produce and deliver up to 500M additional doses for purchase by the Government for delivery...;" Watt and Latypova are correctly understanding and reporting that from July 2020 at the latest, a US Army Agreements Officer working out of the US Army Contracting Command at the Picatinny Arsenal in New Jersey (name redacted from the publicly available contract) knew that the contract covered purchase of Pfizer-BioNTech's simulation of clinical trials and Pfizer-BioNTech's delivery of up to 600M doses of injectable biochemical weapons to the US Army as purchaser.