Thank you for reading and sharing Bailiwick News by email and social media. To support Bailiwick with a paid subscription: On homes, neighborhoods, schools, businesses, churches and hospitals as open-air concentration camps.Correspondence with a reader.Orientation for new readers; American Domestic Bioterrorism Program; Tools for dismantling kill box anti-law A reader interested in preparing habeas corpus petitions for filing in public health emergency (quarantine) contexts, mobilizing state prosecutors to prosecute federal officials for violation of state criminal laws, and related legal issues asked about whether I know of any cases in which “a federal official…was a defendant in a criminal case brought by a state prosecutor…in the PREP Act/countermeasure context” and attached two reports about “quarantine camps.”
My replies, excerpts: I have looked at the CDC quarantine camp document previously, downloaded a PDF in February 2023:
but had not seen the Brownstone article. I tend to not read Brownstone because it’s part of the narrative management program to keep public attention away from the intentionality of the federal poisoning programs and other government-run criminal enterprises. I think it’s worth attempting litigation on the state criminal law claims, but I think the state and federal responses can be anticipated from the cases that have already been filed, moved to federal court and/or dismissed over the past four years on standing, mootness and lack of jurisdiction grounds. On whether I know of any cases brought by state prosecutors, the answer is no. I know by hearsay of several attempts by civilians to engage sheriffs and prosecutors in reviewing evidence packages, to try to get them to move on to filing criminal charges. The most vivid description I’ve heard, about what has happened, is that the sheriff ran out the back of the building as the civilians were entering the front of the building, to avoid taking receipt of the information. In the UK, there have been some reports of civilian teams, including former police officers, trying to file information with police officials, and the police officials, as far as I know, have accepted the information and then done nothing with it. [Mark Sexton and Philip Hyland v. The Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police]. One related case I’m aware of in the US is Ealy et al v. Redfield et al, an attempt to obtain a federal (not state) grand jury to investigate federal crimes (not state crimes) committed by CDC officers. The Ealy petition was dismissed by the Oregon US District Court in November 2022 and the dismissal was affirmed by the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals in February 2024. My own experiences corroborate the accounts I’ve heard from others. In early 2022, I went to the local police department and the county sheriff, attempting to provide evidence and encourage prosecution of the school district for committing acts of criminal child abuse through masking and distancing policies. I was told by the local police officer that he had been instructed by superior officers not to accept any such information and not to pursue any investigations. I was told by the county sheriff that he could not investigate or prosecute school officials because they are a separate government entity not subject to county law enforcement, and that if he (the sheriff) attempted to investigate or prosecute crimes related to Covid policies, his department would be de-funded by the Democrat-controlled county commission. Those discussions happened in early 2022 along with my related attempt to use the Pennsylvania Right to Know law (state version of FOIA) to obtain any written directives given to district attorneys and sheriffs — possibly by state AG, possibly by federal Department of Justice — to ensure that they would steer clear of investigations and prosecutions. No records were provided in response to the FOIAs, so I concluded that the mechanism of control was primarily financial, through the Intergovernmental Agreements (IGAs), CARES Act, ESSER funding for schools, coupled with pre-existing DOJ-CDC training programs that conveyed to local and state law enforcement that once the emergency conditions are in place, their function is to support federal military control of populations.
The citation for the domestic deployment of federal military — and its deputized officers in state and local uniform per the emergency management training programs — is currently 10 USC 282, previously 10 USC 382. For what it’s worth, I think the focus on “quarantine camps” is a bit of misdirection to get people imagining Auschwitz camps being set up in rural, suburban and urban America. During Covid, the same direct control of the general population was achieved by stay-at-home orders, school closures, and business and church restrictions, (turning homes and neighborhoods into de facto open-air concentration camps) and the direct control of allegedly sick people, for purposes of killing them, was done in special hospital and nursing home “Covid wards.” When the time comes for the next round, hospitals and nursing homes will probably also be used again, in the same way they’ve been used to kill people on coronavirus pretexts. The federal and state public health officers will probably also escalate by attempting to barricade neighborhoods with roadblocks and not allow people to leave or re-enter their homes or neighborhoods without submitting to inspection and vaccination at the roadblocks, which will be manned by armed local, state and federal law enforcement and public health officers, along with armed federal military officers. Lahaina, Hawaii (during and after the 2023 fire) is an example of what it could look like, as is Paradise, California during and after the Camp Fire in 2018, and many other incidents in recent years. One example of a state law on point is Texas’ T.C.A. § 81.085(i) which authorizes the state health commissioner to "impose an area quarantine coextensive with the area affected" by a communicable disease outbreak; authorizes health department officers to demand individuals disclose "immunization status;" and authorizes law enforcement officers to "use reasonable force to secure a quarantine area and...prevent an individual from entering or leaving the quarantine area." Quarantine law and state-level public health emergency law reporting and analysis:
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