Chapter Five: KARL MARX AND HIS MANIFESTO: The Federal Reserve Conspiracy by Antomy C. Sutton from archive.org

 

Chapter Five: KARL MARX AND HIS MANIFESTO: The Federal Reserve Conspiracy by Antomy C. Sutton from archive.org

 

Chapter Five:  KARL MARX AND HIS MANIFESTO

 

    The modern welfare state such as we have in the United  States has a remarkable resemblance to the Communist Manifesto  supposedly written by Karl Marx in 1848. The ten points of the  Marxian Manifesto, a program designed to overthrow the middle  class bourgeoisie (not the big capitalists) have been implemented  by successive Democrat and Republican governments since  Woodrow Wilson under guidance of a self-perpetuating  establishment.   Marx's big enemy was the middle class, the bourgeoisie.  Marx wanted to seize property from this middle class in a  revolution led by the so-called working class, or the proletariat.  Unfortunately for Marx the working class has never had too much  liking for communist revolution, as we saw in the Revolutions of  the 1980s. In practice, communist revolution is led by a handful  of communists. How can a revolution be made and kept in power  by a small group? Only because communists have always had  help from the so-called ruling class - capitalists and bankers. This  aid and assistance has been consistent from financing Marx's  Manifesto in 1848 down to the late 20th century when a David  Rockefeller-dominated Administration is helping Communist  revolution and

revolutionaries in Central America, Angola and  Mozambique.     33     The Federal Reserve Conspiracy   Let's start with the 1848 Manifesto. Marx wanted to seize middle  class property. In the Manifesto, Marx phrased the objective like this:   In the first instance, of course, this can only be effected by  despotic interference with bourgeois methods of production; that  is to say by measures which seem economically inadequate and  untenable, but have far-reaching effects, and are necessary as  means for revolutionizing the whole system of production. (1)   To bring about this "despotic" seizure of middle class property,  Marx laid out a ten-point program of "measures" as follows:   These measures will naturally differ from country to country.  In the most advanced countries they will, generally speaking, take  the following forms:   1. Expropriation of landed property, and the  use of landrents to defray State expenditure.   2. A vigorously graduated income tax.   3. Abolition of the right of inheritance.   4. Confiscation of the property of all emigres and rebels.   5. Centralisation of credit in the hands of the State, by means  of a national bank with State capital and an exclusive monopoly.   6. Centralisation of the means of transport in the hands of  the State.   7. Increase of national factories and means of production,  cultivation of uncultivated land, and     34     Karl Marx and His Manifesto   improvement of cultivated land in accordance with a general plan.   8. Universal and equal obligation to work; organisation of  industrial armies, especially for agriculture.   9. Agriculture and urban industry to work hand-in-hand, in  such a way as, by degrees, to obliterate the distinction between  town and country.   10. Public and free education of all children.  Abolition of factory work for children in its present  form. Education and material production to be  combined} 2 ^   As we shall see later, Marx's ten points for destruction of the  middle class have almost been completed in the United States. The 16th  Amendment, for example (the income tax) is an archaic political  concept that goes back some 4,000 years in history to the time of the  Pharaohs in Egypt.   The Pharaohs and their elitist advisors had the notion that the  entrepreneur, the businessmen, and the workers of Egypt who produced  the wealth of that civilization somehow were not competent to manage  that wealth.   These elitist advisors and Pharaoh said, "Look, we're going to  force you people to do what we know you should. Because after all,  were omnipotent, we are standing up here looking down on all of you  and we can decide what is best for all. Much better than each of you can  individually decide for yourselves. We're going to force you to have a  government retirement program, so that when you reach retirement age  you can retire with some dignity. We're going to force you to do what  we know you should do, because we know you won't do it if left to your  own devices. Also, we're going to force you to have a government food  storage program. We're going to     35     The Federal Reserve Conspiracy _     store grain in the government granaries because we know that you are  not competent - you are not capable of storing food by yourselves.   "Furthermore, we know you can't take care of your health so we're  going to force you to have a government medical program. We know  health is important and we know that you don't have the responsibility  or capability for looking after yourselves. We're going to force it on you  for your own best interests.   "The method used to accomplish these objectives was to withhold  a fifth part of the production of Egypt. If you go back and read the Old  Testament it says, "That the Pharaoh had decided to take up a fifth  power of the production of Egypt and to store it in granaries for the  benefit of all."   The modern day proponent of the Pharaoh's philosophy is none  other than Karl Marx and the Communist Manifesto. The Manifesto has  become the most significant economic document of the 20th Century.  The significance lies in the unfortunate fact that the Manifesto is the  economic guiding light of our leadership today, of the executive branch  of our government and in most cases the leadership of both parties in  this country who work to support and bring about the measures of the  manifesto.   Basically what the Manifesto states is that when you have  implemented these 10 programs in any free enterprise system,  "capitalism" will have been destroyed and a communist state  established in its place. This is what Marx wrote:   Strictly speaking, political power is the organized use of  force by one class in order to keep another class in subjection.  When the proletariat, in the course of its fight against the  bourgeoisie, necessarily consolidates itself into a class, by means     36     Karl Marx and His Manifesto   of a revolution makes itself the ruling class, it forcibly sweeps  away the old system of production.   Item 2 of Marx's Manifesto reads as follows: A heavy,  progressive, or graduating income tax"   This became the 16th Amendment of the United States  Constitution, the law of the land in our country since 1913.   Later on in 1913 we saw the passage of the Federal Reserve Act.  Interestingly enough the idea for that program is in Karl Marx's  program in the Communist Manifesto as Item 5 and is possibly the most  important point in the Communist Manifesto. Item 5 reads as follows:  Centralization of Credit in the hands of the state by means of a  National Bank with state capital and exclusive monopoly.   In other words Marx proposed a scheme exactly like the First  Bank of the United States and the Federal Reserve Act with  establishment of a fractional reserve central banking system on the  model of the earlier European central banks.   Karl Marx as a Plagiarist   Marx was a brilliant fellow. He was no fool. Marx knew that if he  could place under the control of a small group of men the ability to  control the supply of money and credit of any nation, he could boom or  bust those economies almost at will. By having foreknowledge of  economic and monetary policies, billions of dollars of wealth could be  transferred from one group to another, from the suffering middle class  to the ruling elite. To do this required propaganda and in the mid-19th  century the pamphlet was an effective means of propagandizing.   A most interesting feature of the brief Manifesto has been almost  universally ignored by academics, i.e., that the Manifesto doesn't favor  the working class at all and it certainly doesn't favor the middle class  which is targeted for elimination.     37     The Federal Reserve Conspiracy   The Manifesto is a blueprint for elitist control. The Manifesto  favors takeover of political and economic power by an elite. And when  we look at the source of the assistance given to Marx, it is clear that the  benefits to the elite were obvious even in the 1840s.   Marx was certainly paid to write the Manifesto, as we shall see  later. Furthermore, the Manifesto was plagiarized from an obscure  French socialist named Victor Considerant, and his work, Principes du  Socialisme: Manifeste de la Democratic au Dix Neuvieme Siecle,  published in 1843. The second edition of Considerant's work was  published in Paris in 1847, a year before the Manifesto and while Marx  and Engels were living in Paris.   The plagiarism was spotted by an even more obscure writer, W.  Tcherkesoff, and published in precise detail in his Pages of Socialist  History (Cooper, New York, 1902).   Let Tcherkesoff explain Marx's plagiarism in his own words:   I felt myself stupefied, indignant, even humiliated, when,  about a year ago, I had occasion to read the work of Victor  Considerant, "Principles of Socialism: Manifesto of the  Democracy of the Nineteenth Century," written in 1843, second  edition published in 1847. There was reason for it. In a pamphlet  of 143 pages, Victor Considerant expounds with his habitual  clearness all the bases of Marxism, of this "scientific" Socialism  that the parliamentarians desire to impose upon the whole world.  Properly speaking, the theoretical part, in which Considerant  treats of questions of principle, does not exceed the first 50 pages;  the remainder is consecrated to the famous prosecution that the  government of Louis Philippe brought against the journal of  the Fourierists, "La Democratic     38     Karl Marx and His Manifesto   pacifique, " and which the jurors of the Seine quashed. But in these 50  short pages the famous Fourierist, like a true master, gives us so many  profound, clear, and brilliant generalizations, that even an infinitesimal  portion of his ideas contains in entirety all the Marxian laws and  theories -including the famous concentration of capital and the whole of  the "Manifesto of the Communist party. " So that the whole theoretical  part, that is chapters one and two, which Engels himself says "are on  the whole as correct today as ever," is simply borrowed. This  "Manifesto," this Bible of legal revolutionary democracy, is a very  mediocre paraphrase of numerous passages of the "Manifesto" of V.  Considerant. Not only have Marx and Engels found the contents of their  "Manifesto" in the "Manifesto" ofV. Considerant, but the form and the  titles of the chapters have also been retained by the imitators.   Paragraph two in the second chapter with V. Considerant bears  the title: "The present Situation and '89; the Bourgeoisie and the  Proletarians." "The Bourgeois and the Proletarians," is the title of the  first chapter with Marx and Engels.   V. Considerant examines different Socialist and revolutionary  parties under the name of Democracy and his paragraphs bear the  titles:   Stagnant Democracy;   Retrograde Democracy;   The Socialist Party in the Retrograde Democracy;   The titles with Marx and Engels are:     39     The Federal Reserve Conspiracy   Reactionary Socialism   Conservative and Bourgeois Socialism   Critical Utopian Socialism and Communism   Would not one think all these titles belonged to the selfsame  work? When comparing the contents we shall see that in reality  these two manifestos are identical/ 31   Line by line Tcherkesoff demonstrates Marx to be a common  thief. The great Marx, the adored Marx, rates no more than a third-rate  school boy!   There can be no argument concerning the massive influence of  Karl Marx and Frederick Engels on world history. Yet, by contrast, the  secondhand nature of Marxist ideas and arguments have always been  overlooked.   How about Marx's collaborator - Frederick Engels? The  sloppiness of Engels' work has been documented in the introduction to  Condition of the Working Class in England by W. O. Henderson and  W. H. Chaloner (Basil Blackwell, Oxford, 1958).   As far back as 1848 Bruno Hildebrand compiled a detailed  criticism of Engels' book and particularly his biased interpretation of  British government reports. Engels wanted to prove a case and distorted  the facts to make the case. Further pointed out by Henderson and  Chaloner, "Engels' vivid imagination was sometimes used in lieu of  facts." For example, on page 118 of Henderson we find:   In evidence before a Parliamentary enquiry the Nottingham  coroner stated that one druggist had admitted using 13 cwt. of  treacle in a year in the manufacture of Godfrey's Cordial. But in  the 1887 edition of Engels this became "used thirteen  hundredweight of laudanum in one year in the preparation of  Godfrey's Cordial. "     40     Karl Marx and His Manifesto   Laudanum is of course tincture of opium and far different from  treacle. The implication is that the children of the working class were  being drugged.   Marx's Financial Backers   Where did Karl Marx get his money? How did he live? On  investigation we find that funds came mainly from four sources, and  each of these four sources can be linked to the ruling elite in Germany  and the United States.   The conduit for financing the printing of the Manifesto was none  other than Louisiana pirate Jean Laffite, who was, among his later  occupations, a spy for Spain and a courier for a group of American  bankers.   The evidence for this twist in modern history has been ignored by  modern historians although the documents, authenticated by Library of  Congress and other sources, have been available for some 30 years.   It is extraordinary that the first academics to report this source of  financing for Marx were writing in French, not English! It was a French  book by Georges Blond entitled Histoire de la Filibuste that contains  the remarkable story of Karl Marx as a friend of Jean Laffite the pirate  who "financed the printing of the Manifesto of the Communist party."  Where did Blond get his information? It originated in two privately  printed books published in New Orleans by Stanley Clisby Arthur, Jean  Laffite, the Gentleman Rover and The Journal of Jean Laffite. These  books contain original documents describing meetings between Marx  and Laffite and the method used to finance the Manifesto.   Now of course if you look up the name Jean Laffite in the  Encyclopedia Britannica, you will learn that Laffite died in 1823 and  therefore could not possibly have financed Marx in 1847 and 1848.  Unfortunately the Britannica is wrong, as it is on many other points.  Laffite went underground about     41     The Federal Reserve Conspiracy   1820 and lived a long and exciting life as courier for American  bankers and businessmen.   Laffite's courier and underground work for American bankers is  noted in The Journal:   We employed four men as secret officers to spy and report  every pertinent conversation and to make verbal reports about  any new happenings. We carried out our secret missions very  well. We had only two ships operating under private contract with  banking interests in Philadelphia. We decided, and took our oath,  never to visit saloons or travel the same route twice, or ever go  back to Louisiana, Texas or Cuba or any of the Spanish speaking  countries.^   In the same Journal under date of April 24, 1848 we find the note:   My interviews were brief, but direct. I lived at the home of  Mr. Louis Bertillon in Paris and sometimes hotels. I met Mr.  Michel Chevreul, Mr. Louis Braille, Mr. Augustin Thierry, Mr.  Alexis de Tocqueville, Mr. Karl Marx, Mr. Frederic Engels, Mr.  Daguerre and many others. (5)   Then Laffite goes on to the eye-opening statement:   Nobody knew the real facts about my mission in Europe. I  opened an account in a bank in Paris, a credit in escrow to  finance two young men, Mr. Marx and Mr. Engels to help bring  about the revolution of working men of the world. They are now  working at it. (6)   So here we have it. Jean Laffite was the agent of American  banking interests and arranged for the financing of the Manifesto. In  The Journal the reader will find other prominent names, i.e., Dupont,  Peabody, Lincoln and so on.     42     Karl Marx and His Manifesto   While Jean Laffite was in Brussels he wrote at length to his artist  friend De Franca in St. Louis, Missouri about financing Marx. Here's  the translation of the letter dated September 29, 1847:   I am leaving Brussels for Paris, in three or four weeks I will  go to Amsterdam, then enroute for America. I have had a number  of conversations with Mr. Marx and Mr. Engels, but have refused  to participate in the conferences with the other debaters to  compose the manifest, because I do not wish to be identified with  the other men.   Mr. Engels is going with me to Paris so that I may prepare a  schedule to finance Mr. Marx and him, for a long time in advance,  to proceed with their manuscripts, and to put in texts "Capital and  Labor. " From the beginning it seemed to me that the two young  men are themselves gifted and endowed, I firmly believe, with the  highest intelligence and that they merit this is justified by the  statistic research in the discovery on "La Categorie du Capital,"  Value, Price and Profit.   They have penetrated a forgotten time in the exploitation of  man by man without halt. From the Serf, of the Feudal Slave, and  the Salaried Slave, they discover that exploitation is at the base of  all evil. It has taken a long time to prepare "The manifests for the  workers of the world. " A great debate took place between the two  young men and others from Berlin, Amsterdam, Paris, and others  from the Swiss Republic.   I am enthused in regard to the manifests and other prospects  for the future, as I heartily support the two young men. I hope and  I pray that the     43     The Federal Reserve Conspiracy   projects may become joined in a strong doctrine to shake the  foundations of the highest dynasties and leave them to be devoured  by the lower masses.   Mr. Marx advises and warns me not to plunge into all  America with the manifests because there are others of the same  kind for New York. But I hope that Jean or Harry will show the  manifests to Mr. Joshua Speed, and he, in his turn, can show them  to Mr. Lincoln. I know that nothing else can confuse it, as it would  have the same chance. Its reception at Washington would be a  sacred promise that the path that I am on is in conformity with the  policy at present pursued in the Republic of Texas.   Mr. Marx accepts some of my texts on the communes that I  was forced to abandon some time ago, weighing carefully rules  and regulations not based on a strong foundation, as so-called  pure and simple Utopia, without preamble or body, without an  apparent base to build on. I was in accord with the two young men  at this date, apropos of my Utopian dreams of the past.   The sacrifice was made to preserve the great manuscript that  was composed and its constitution, to endure forever with the  radiance of the stars, but not for those in power to abuse or  exploit.   Oh! to my dismay; I have agreed to the abuses practiced in  the last part of the same year after the Dragon was eradicated and  utterly abolished. I have described my second commune which I  was forced to break up and abandon to the flambeau March 3,  1821, I then took the resolution to withdraw without convert. I am  no longer aiding those who are opposed to my principles.     44     Karl Marx and His Manifesto   I must stop. I will bring several manuscripts and the  manifest. I hope that Jules and Glenn are progressing at school  with Miss Wing and Miss Burgess. I know they have much  patience as teachers. Glenn is not as strong as Jules. (6)   The second source of American financing for Karl Marx came  from Charles Anderson Dana, Editor of the New York Tribune owned  by Horace Greeley. Both Dana and Greeley were fraternally associated  with the Clinton Roosevelt we cited in Chapter Three and with his  Roosevelt Manifesto for dictatorial government. Dana hired Marx to  write for the New York Tribune. This Marx did, in over 500 articles  spread over ten years from 1851 to 1861.   Marx's prime source of German funds came from his associate  Frederic Engels, son of a wealthy Bremen cotton manufacturer and  subsidy provider to Marx for many years.   More surprising is the subsidy to Marx from the Prussian elite.  Karl Marx married Jenny von Westphalen. Jennys brother Baron  Ferdinand von Westphalen was Minister of the Interior in Prussia  (overseeing the police department) while Karl was under "investigation"  by this same Prussian department.   In other words, Marx's brother-in-law was in charge of  investigating subversive activities. Over the years the von Westphalen  family strongly supported Marx. For 40 years the Marx's maid, Demuth,  was paid by the Westphalens and in fact Demuth was personally  selected for the job by Baroness Caroline von Westphalen. Two of Karl  Marx's early essays were actually written in the von Westphalen estate  at Kreuznach, and money from the estate was left to Marx.   In brief, between the American bankers and the German  aristocracy Marx was well funded for the Manifesto and later writings.  Why would the elite fund Marx? Simply     45     The Federal Reserve Conspiracy   because the entire Marxist philosophical battery is aimed at  extermination of the middle class and the supremacy of the elite.  Marxism is a device for consolidating power by the elite. It has nothing  to do with relieving the misery of the poor or advancing mankind: it is  an elitist political device pure and simple.     46     Karl Marx and His Manifesto     Endnotes to Chapter Five:     (1) Ryazinsky, Communist Manifesto, (New York: Russell & Russell,  Inc., 1963) p. 52.   (2) Op. Cit.   (3) W. Tcherkesoff, Pages of Socialist History, p. 56   (4) The Journal of Jean Laffite (The Pirateer - Patriot's own story)  (Vantage Press, New York, 1958) p. 126   (5) Op. Cit. p. 132-33   (6) Ibid.   (7) From the translation in Stanley C. Arthur's Jean Laffite,  Gentleman Rover (Harmanson, New Orleans, 1952) pp. 262 and  265.     47     Chapter Six   ABRAHAM LINCOLN:   LAST PRESIDENT TO FIGHT THE   MONEY POWER