Foundations : Their Power and Influence by René A. Wormser
I read Foundations : Their Power and Influence
by René A. Wormser. This book is a third printing from 1993 by Covenant House
Books.
About the book:
About the book:
This book
grew out of my conviction that some of the materials examined by the Reece
Committee, for which I [, René A. Wormser,] acted as general counsel, deserve
broader circulation. [1]
Why it’s
called the “Reece Committee”:
It is not
easy to investigate foundations, not even for Congress to attempt it: the giant
foundations are powerful and have powerful friends. A special committee was
created by the House of Representatives of the 83rd Congress to investigate
tax-exempt organizations. It is generally referred to as the “Reece Committee”
after its chairman, Congressman B. Carroll Reece of Tennessee. [2]
Why foundations are started:
The chief
motivation in the creation of foundations has long ceased to be pure
philanthropy—it is now predominantly tax avoidance or minimization. . . . The
increasing tax burden on income and estates has greatly accelerated a trend
toward creation of foundations as instruments for the retention of control over
capital assets that would otherwise be lost.
. . .
The creation of a new foundation very often serves the purpose of contributing to a favorable public opinion for the person or corporation that endows it. Among public-relations consultants the practice of publicly establishing the virtue of a previously despised person or institution by forming a tax-exempt foundation and beating the drum for it is quite common. [3]
The Reece
Committee had perhaps the most hazardous career of any committee in the history
of Congress. It survived its many perils, however, to bring to the attention of
Congress and the people grave dangers to our society.
These dangers relate chiefly to the use of foundation funds for political ends . . . [4]
These dangers relate chiefly to the use of foundation funds for political ends . . . [4]
Wormser
also said this on page viii:
An “élite”
has thus emerged, in control of gigantic financial resources operating outside
of our democratic processes, which is willing and able to shape the future of
this nation and of mankind in the image of its own value concepts. [5]
I guess the
power of these foundations does go to high places.
Yet Mr. [Wayne] Hays told us one day that “the
White House” had been in touch with him and asked him if he would cooperate to
kill the Committee.
. . .
It was additional indication that the long arms of the foundations extended even into high places. [6]
. . .
It was additional indication that the long arms of the foundations extended even into high places. [6]
Let’s find
out what came out of the investigation.
Foundations are into globalism:
Foundations are into globalism:
The 1946
report of The Rockefeller Foundation also minced no words in advocating
globalism. It read:
The
challenge of the future is to make this world one world . . .
[7]
The Council
on Foreign Relations, another member of the international complex, financed
both by the Rockefeller and Carnegie foundations, overwhelmingly propagandizes
the globalist concept. [8]
The Reece
Committee came to this conclusion:
The weight
of evidence before this Committee, which the foundations have made no serious
effort to rebut, indicates that the form of globalism which the foundations
have so actively promoted and from which our foreign policy has suffered
seriously, relates definitely to a collectivist point of view. Despite vehement
disclaimers of bias, despite platitudinous affirmations of loyalty to American
traditions, the statements filed by those foundations whose operations touch on
foreign policy have produced no rebuttal to the evidence of support of
collectivism.
[9]
. . . Mr.
Spruille Braden, former Assistant Secretary of State . . . wrote . . . :
I have the
very definite feeling that these various foundations you mention very
definitely do exercise both overt and covert influences on our foreign
relations and that their influences are counter to the fundamental principles
on which this nation was founded and which have made it great.
[10]
The book
also talked about the Rhodes Scholarship Fund:
The
influence of the foundation complex in internationalism has reached far into
government, into the policymaking circles of Congress and into the State
Department. This has been effected through the pressure of public opinion,
mobilized by the instruments of the foundations; through the promotion of
foundation-favorites as teachers and experts in foreign affairs; through a
domination of the learned journals in international affairs; through the
frequent appointment of State Department officials to foundation jobs; and
through the frequent appointment of foundation officials to State Department
jobs.
At least one foreign foundation has had a strong influence on our foreign policy. The Rhodes Scholarship Fund of Great Britain, created to improve England’s international public relations but not registered here as a foreign agent, has gained great influence in the United States for British ideas. It has accomplished this by annually selecting a choice group of promising young men for study in England. The usually Anglophile alumni of this system are to be found in eminent positions in legislation, administration, and education and in the ranks of American foundation officials. They form a patronage network of considerable importance. Dr. Frank Aydelotte in a book, The Rhodes Trust 1903-1953 published in 1956, reported: “The influence of this group on American educational practice and particularly on the rapidly increasing maturity and breadth of methods of instruction in American institutions of higher learning, has been immense.” He continued: “The number of those going into government is constantly increasing.” [11]
At least one foreign foundation has had a strong influence on our foreign policy. The Rhodes Scholarship Fund of Great Britain, created to improve England’s international public relations but not registered here as a foreign agent, has gained great influence in the United States for British ideas. It has accomplished this by annually selecting a choice group of promising young men for study in England. The usually Anglophile alumni of this system are to be found in eminent positions in legislation, administration, and education and in the ranks of American foundation officials. They form a patronage network of considerable importance. Dr. Frank Aydelotte in a book, The Rhodes Trust 1903-1953 published in 1956, reported: “The influence of this group on American educational practice and particularly on the rapidly increasing maturity and breadth of methods of instruction in American institutions of higher learning, has been immense.” He continued: “The number of those going into government is constantly increasing.” [11]
The book
talked about the United Nations:
The
“international-mind” obsession of The Carnegie Endowment and its associated
organizations has avidly taken up the United Nations. [12]
Who knows
what economic worldwide planning is being concocted by UN agencies, much of
which will later be promoted domestically by these foundations, following their
thesis that UN is the only road to peace? Nor should we forget the attempts to
impose on us changes in our own basic declarations of human rights. That
proposed by UN ignored the right to hold private property. [13]
Let’s talk
about social sciences:
. . . Dr.
[Pendleton] Herring, the president of The Social Science Research Council, in
its first issue of Items:
Here we
wish simply to emphasize that in our generation efforts are being made to
arrange and control human relationships more consciously, more deliberately,
and, it is to be hoped, more responsibly than during the last century. An
interdependent world is being forced to an awareness of the limitations of
individual freedom and personal choice.
[14]
. . . [The
Social Science Research Council] is, more or less, the guiding spirit of
social-science research. Its 1928-1929 report discloses one of its purposes:
* * * a
sounder empirical method of research had to be achieved in political science,
if it were to assist in the development of a scientific political control.
Political
control is thus to be left in the hands of the “élite,” the “social engineers.”
What the people want is not necessarily good for them; they are not competent
to decide. The Führers must decide it
for them, so that we can have a scientifically based and intelligent society.
[15]
Social
scientists may be said to have come to constitute a fourth major branch of
government. They are the consultants of government, the planners, and the
designers of governmental theory and practice. They are free from the checks
and balances to which the other three branches of government (legislative,
executive, and judicial) are subject. They have attained their influence and
their position in government mainly through foundation support; and this
support, in the past, has been chiefly given to persons, institutions, and
ideas of a progressive-liberal, if not Socialist, coloring. [16]
Research in
the social sciences plays a key part in the evolution of our society. Such
research is now almost wholly in the control of the professional employees of
the large foundations and their obedient satellites. Even the great sums
allotted by the Federal government for social science research have come into
the virtual control of this professional group. [17]
The
foundation-supported concept of “social engineering,” with its political
implications, was castigated by Professor [Carl O.] Sauer in these words:
Research
programs are set up in terms of social goals, and it is assumed that
professional training provides the deep insight needed. Having set up schools
for the training of prophets, it gratifies us to hear that the great task of
social science is to remake the world.
[18]
Now let’s
look at education:
There is
much evidence that, to a substantial degree, foundations have become the
directors of education in the United States. [19]
. . .
everything from the budget to the choice of ad
hoc appointed professors or researchers is controlled and decided by
foundation officials. [20]
The
foundation’s direct power is the power of money. Privately financed educational
institutions have had a bad time during the period of rapidly increasing costs.
Foundation grants have become so important a source of support that college and
university presidents cannot often afford to ignore the opinions and wishes of
the executives who distribute foundation largess. Such administrators will
freely admit that they do not like to receive restricted or earmarked grants
and would far prefer to be unfettered in their disposition of money given to
their institutions. But they will also admit that they usually dare not turn
down a grant, however inconsistent with their policy, priority of goals, or
urgent needs it may be, for fear they might earn the displeasure of the
granting foundation. [21]
Professor
[David N.] Rowe, testifying regarding the influence of foundations in
educational institutions, said:
* * * you
have to realize * * * that advancement and promotion and survival in the
academic field depend upon research and the results and the publication
thereof. Here you have, you see, outside organizations influencing the course
of the careers of personnel in universities through their control of funds
which can liberate these people from teaching duties, for example, and making
it possible for them to publish more than their competitors.
[22]
Money is
more easily obtainable today for “projects” chosen by foundation boards than
for general purposes with no strings attached. The school administrator
approaching a foundation, hat in hand, and eager to propose a project which
conforms to the known leanings of the foundation executives, is a sad product
of our age. No longer does the scholar carry the initiative. He is degraded to
a recipient of alms handed out by an almoner who is no longer responsible to
the prince. [23]
A very
powerful complex of foundations and allied organizations has developed over the
years to exercise a high degree of control over education.
. . .
Dr. Ernest Victor Hollis, now Chief of College Administration in the United States Office of Education, once explained the background of this coercive approach as follows:
. . .
Dr. Ernest Victor Hollis, now Chief of College Administration in the United States Office of Education, once explained the background of this coercive approach as follows:
* * *
Unfavorable public estimate of the elder Rockefeller and Andrew Carnegie, made
it inexpedient in 1905 for their newly created philanthropic foundations to
attempt any direct reforms in higher education.
The method
used, therefore, he said, was one of indirection—“indirectly through general
and non-controversial purposes.” “For instance,” said Dr. Hollis, “there is
little connection between giving a pension to a college professor or giving a
sum to the general endowment of his college, and reforming entrance
requirements, the financial practices, and the scholastic standards of his
institution.” Yet one was tied to the other. It was a case of conform, or no
grant! When to conform meant bathing in a stream of millions, college and
university administrators and their faculties were inclined to conform. [24]
Let’s stay
on the topic of education and focus on the “youngsters”:
Mr. [Aaron]
Sargent gave convincing evidence that efforts to use the schools to bring us to
a new order, collectivist in nature, followed a plan and that this plan was supported
by foundation money. [25]
Mr.
[Stuart] Chase, in expounding the concepts of foundation-supported and
–directed social-science research, lays it on the line. We are to be managed by
these experts, these social divines, with the new “scientific method” which he
says can be “applied to the behavior of men as well as to the behavior of
electrons.” “Prepare now for a surprising universal,” says Mr. Chase:
Individual
talent is too sporadic and unpredictable to be allowed any important part in
the organization of society. Social systems which endure are built on the
average person who can be trained to occupy any position adequately if not
brilliantly.
And how is
this “scientific” management to take place? One gathers from Mr. Chase’s book,
which seems to represent the official line of the foundation complex, that it
is to be through “cultural determinism,” via a molding of our minds by
propaganda. Mr. Chase wrote:
Theoretically,
a society could be completely made over in something like 15 years, the time it
takes to inculcate a new culture into a rising group of youngsters.
[26]
The
undeniable fact is that the changes which have taken place in the United States
were not the result of the “despotic inroads on the right of property, and on
the conditions of bourgeois production.” They were the result of continuous
propaganda in the form of biased education. This propaganda has nearly
convinced the American people that the Marxian formula is good for it. [27]
[Congressman
E. E. Cox of Georgia] cited foundation support of such men as Langston Hughes,
Hans Eisler, Louis Adamic, and Owen Lattimore. He named The Rockefeller
Foundation,
whose funds
have been used to finance individuals and organizations whose business it has
been to get communism into the private and public schools of the country, to
talk down America and to play up Russia * * *.
[28]
The impact
of foundation money upon education has been very heavy, largely tending to
promote uniformity in approach and method, tending to induce the educator to
become an agent for social change and a propagandist for the development of our
society in the direction of some form of collectivism. [29]
The use of the term “social studies”
or “core studies” should always give pause. It is likely to indicate that
children are to be fed “educational” material in accordance with the
recommendations of the Commission on Social Studies of the American Historical
Association to which I [, René A. Wormser,] have earlier referred—propaganda
toward a collectivism which now has broadened to international
collectivism—globalism.
The same volume asserts that we must conform our national economic policies to an international world economy; that the “nation-state system” is obsolete; that part of our political independence must be surrendered; that we must engage on a “planned economic cooperation on a worldwide scale”; and that our children must be taught to become propagandists for these ideas. The school is to be a militant agent in the campaign for the globalist idea. [30]
The same volume asserts that we must conform our national economic policies to an international world economy; that the “nation-state system” is obsolete; that part of our political independence must be surrendered; that we must engage on a “planned economic cooperation on a worldwide scale”; and that our children must be taught to become propagandists for these ideas. The school is to be a militant agent in the campaign for the globalist idea. [30]
Something I
thought was cool is on page 145:
The growing
radicalism which was beginning rapidly to permeate academic circles was no
grass-roots movement. Mr. [Aaron] Sargent cited a statement by Professor Ludwig
Von Mises that socialism does not spring from the masses but is instigated by
intellectuals “that form themselves into a clique and bore from within and
operate that way. * * * It is not a people’s movement at all. It is a
capitalization on the people’s emotions and sympathies toward a point these
people wish to reach.” [31]
The book
talked about The Rand Corporation, which I guess is supersecret:
In the most
important field of the behavioral sciences, for instance, an Advisory Committee
assists the Foundation in the selection of recipient universities. Among the
members of this Committee, in addition to the directors of the
Foundation-financed Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences, are
Charles Dollard of the Carnegie Endowment; Hans Speier of The rand Corporation;
Donald Young of The Russell Sage Foundation; and Fillmore Sandford of the
American Psychological Association. Messrs. Dollard and Young are very familiar
names. They selected Stuart Chase to do The
Proper Study of Mankind, the exposition of the current social-science
orthodoxy. Their names appear, again and again, in foundation operations. Hans
Speier, before coming to this country and serving as a professor at the New
School for Social Research and later as director of the social-studies section
of the supersecret Rand Corporation, had contributed extensively to radical
Socialist publications, especially to Rudolf Hilferding’s Die Gesellschaft, in Germany. [32]
As an
example of interlocking directorates, the report cited the case of The Rand
Corporation. This is a corporation in the nature of a foundation, which plays a
very important part in government research. It would warrant special attention
in connection with any study of the extent to which foundation interlocks have
influenced government. Among the trustees and officers of The Rand Corporation
were found the following who had material connections with other foundations:
Charles Dollard (trustee)
- Carnegie Corporation
L. A. Dudbridge (trustee)
- Carnegie Endowment
- National Science Foundation
H. Rowan Gaither, Jr. (trustee)
- Ford Foundation
Philip E. Mosely (trustee)
- Ford Foundation
- Rockefeller Foundation
Harvey S. Mudd (trustee)
- Mudd Foundation
- Santa Anita Foundation
- American Heritage Foundation
Frederick F. Stephan (trustee)
- Rockefeller Foundation
Clyde Williams (trustee)
- Batelle Memorial Institute
Hans Speier (officer)
- (Ford) Behavioral Science Division
[33]
Charles Dollard (trustee)
- Carnegie Corporation
L. A. Dudbridge (trustee)
- Carnegie Endowment
- National Science Foundation
H. Rowan Gaither, Jr. (trustee)
- Ford Foundation
Philip E. Mosely (trustee)
- Ford Foundation
- Rockefeller Foundation
Harvey S. Mudd (trustee)
- Mudd Foundation
- Santa Anita Foundation
- American Heritage Foundation
Frederick F. Stephan (trustee)
- Rockefeller Foundation
Clyde Williams (trustee)
- Batelle Memorial Institute
Hans Speier (officer)
- (Ford) Behavioral Science Division
[33]
How the
foundations avoid criticism:
The
far-reaching power of the large foundations and of the interlock, has so
influenced the press, the radio, and even the government that it has become
extremely difficult for objective criticism of foundation practices to get into
news channels without having first been distorted, slanted, discredited, and at
times ridiculed. Nothing short of an unhampered Congressional investigation
could hope to bring out the vital facts; and the pressure against Congressional
investigation has been almost incredible. As indicated by their arrogance in
dealing with this Committee, the major foundations and their associated
intermediary organizations have intrenched themselves behind a totality of
power which presumes to place them beyond serious criticism and attack. [34]
It took
courage for academicians to testify before the Reece Committee. To offer any
criticism of the major foundations and those organizations with which they
interlock is equivalent to writing yourself off their books. They know how to
deal with those who dare to disagree. As Professor Charles W. Briggs, professor
emeritus of Columbia University, testified, they have terrified many who would
be critical. He said:
It is
tragic in a high degree that men who have won confidence and position in the
education world should be intimidated from expressing criticism of a foundation
whose administrators and policies they do not respect.
He added
these remarks concerning the power of the foundations to punish criticism or to
suppress it by the inducements of their patronage:
It has been
stated that, unlike colleges and universities, foundations have no alumni to
defend them. But they do have influential people as members of their boards,
and these members have powerful friends, some of whom are more inclined to be
partisanly defensive than objectively critical. Moreover, there are also
thousands who, hopeful of becoming beneficiaries of future grants, either
conceal their criticisms or else give expression to a defense that may not be
wholly sincere.
[35]
The giant
foundation can exercise enormous power through the direct use of its funds.
Moreover, it materially increases this power and its influence by building
collateral alliances which serve greatly to insulate it against criticism. It
is likely to find friends among the banks which hold its great deposits; the
investment and brokerage houses which serve its investment problem; the major
law firms which act as its counsel; and the many firms, institutions, and
individuals with which it deals and which it benefits. By careful selection of
a trustee, here and there, from among proprietors and executives of newspapers,
periodicals, and other media of communication, it can assure itself of
adulation and support. By engaging “public relations counselors” (ethically,
and even legally, a questionable practice), it can further create for itself a
favorable press and enthusiastic publicity. [36]
One last
quote:
“Foundations,”
said the Reece Committee report, “becoming more numerous every day, may some
day control our whole intellectual and cultural life—and with it the future . .
. [37]
That’s it.
Daniel Kemp
Footnotes:
1. René A. Wormser, Foundations : Their Power and Influence. (Tennessee : Covenant House Books, c1993), viii
2. Ibid., vii
3. Ibid., x
4. Ibid., vii
5. Ibid., viii
6. Ibid., 349
7. Ibid., 206
8. Ibid., 209
9. Ibid., 207
10. Ibid., 212
11. Ibid., 201
12. Ibid., 214
13. Ibid., 215
14. Ibid., 94-95
15. Ibid., 95
16. Ibid., 84-85
17. Ibid., 303
18. Ibid., 96
19. Ibid., 142
20. Ibid., 60
21. Ibid., 42
22. Ibid., 73
23. Ibid., 75
24. Ibid., 139-140
25. Ibid., 146
26. Ibid., 113
27. Ibid., 198
28. Ibid., 328
29. Ibid., 304
30. Ibid., 216-217
31. Ibid., 145
32. Ibid., 232-233
33. Ibid., 65-66
34. Ibid., 303
35. Ibid., 253-254
36. Ibid., 41
37. Ibid., 67-68
Daniel Kemp
Footnotes:
1. René A. Wormser, Foundations : Their Power and Influence. (Tennessee : Covenant House Books, c1993), viii
2. Ibid., vii
3. Ibid., x
4. Ibid., vii
5. Ibid., viii
6. Ibid., 349
7. Ibid., 206
8. Ibid., 209
9. Ibid., 207
10. Ibid., 212
11. Ibid., 201
12. Ibid., 214
13. Ibid., 215
14. Ibid., 94-95
15. Ibid., 95
16. Ibid., 84-85
17. Ibid., 303
18. Ibid., 96
19. Ibid., 142
20. Ibid., 60
21. Ibid., 42
22. Ibid., 73
23. Ibid., 75
24. Ibid., 139-140
25. Ibid., 146
26. Ibid., 113
27. Ibid., 198
28. Ibid., 328
29. Ibid., 304
30. Ibid., 216-217
31. Ibid., 145
32. Ibid., 232-233
33. Ibid., 65-66
34. Ibid., 303
35. Ibid., 253-254
36. Ibid., 41
37. Ibid., 67-68
No comments:
Post a Comment