The term “false flag” has its origins in naval warfare where a flag other than the belligerent’s true battle flag is used as a ruse de guerre or
pretext for war. As the term is used in contemporary America, a “false
flag” incident is some traumatic event that is contrived and manipulated
by the authorities to achieve some covert agenda. The public is given
an untruthful version of the event by government and/or the media. The
intended result is a “rallying around the flag” effect, wherein an
inflamed and duped populace rally in support of the government’s or the
deep state’s secret agenda.
Admittedly, it is difficult for the ordinary American to think the U.S.
government can stoop so low as to instigate false flags, for that would
mean our government is in the hands of people so diabolical, calling
them psychopaths does not begin to describe what they are. That is a
But it is a thought not entirely alien to our Founding Fathers who
instituted a polity based on a view of human nature as inherently
self-interested instead of benevolent, and of government as a necessary
evil that must be constrained and delimited. To quote James Madison inThe Federalist Papers:
“What is government itself but the greatest of all reflections on human
nature? If men were angels, no government would be necessary. If angels
were to govern men, neither external or internal controls on government
would be necessary. In framing a government which is to be administered
by men over men, the great difficulty lies in this: You must first
enable the government to control the governed, and in the next place
oblige it to control itself.”
For his part, Thomas Jefferson, in his 1787 letter to Edward Carrington,
vividly described what government would be if unchecked and
unsupervised. He warned that “if once” the people “become inattentive to
the public affairs, you and I, and Congress, and Assemblies, Judges,
and Governors, shall all become wolves.”
Even with checks and balances in place, the history of the United States
is riddled with actual and planned false flags and conspiracies. As an
example, the 1964 Gulf of Tonkin incident, in which the U.S.S. Maine and
U.S.S. Turner Joy reportedly were fired on without provocation by the
North Vietnamese, was a false flag of the Lyndon Johnson Administration.
Congress took the bait and passed the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution that,
by pre-approving the president’s military actions, gave Johnson a free
ticket to wage war in Vietnam. It turned out no Vietnamese boats were
even in the gulf at the time of the alleged attack.
Then there wasOperation Northwoodsof the Kennedy Administration, a false flag of such scope and devious audacity, it takes your breath away.
Proposed by the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff and approved by the head of every branch of the U.S. armed forces,Operation
Northwoods called for the CIA or other government operatives to
undertake acts of terrorism against U.S. military and civilian targetsin
Guantanamo Bay, Miami, other Florida cities, and even in Washington,
D.C. Proposed acts included sinking U.S. ships, having fake Cuban MIGs
attack a United States Air Force aircraft, hijacking and shooting down a
chartered civil airliner, and gunning down civilians in the streets.The
attacks would be blamed on the Fidel Castro government, which would be
used as pretexts for a “military intervention” against Cuba.
Thankfully, President Kennedy rejected the proposals. A year and 8 months later, on November 22, 1963, he was assassinated.
Few of us know that in January 2003 before the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq,President George W. Bush had toyed with the idea of a similar false flag to justify the invasion.
Don Van Natta Jr. reports for theNew York Times, March 27, 2016, that Bush’s proposal is described ina 5-page confidential memo written by David Manning, UK Prime Minister Tony Blair’s chief foreign policy adviserat the time.
The memo chronicles a private two-hour meeting of Bush and Blair in the Oval Office onJanuary 31, 2003.Five
days after the meeting, Secretary of State Colin L. Powell was
scheduled to appear before the United Nations to present evidence that
Iraq posed a threat to world security by hiding unconventional “weapons
of mass destruction” (WMDs), although UN inspectors, led by Hans Blix,
had spent six weeks in Iraq hunting with no success for those WMDs.
Stamped “extremely sensitive,” the memorandum, which was circulated
among a handful of Blair’s most senior aides, had not been made public.
However, severalhighlights from the memo were first published in January in the bookLawless World, by British lawyer and international law professor Philippe Sands.In early February, Channel 4 in London broadcast several excerptsfrom the memo. Since then,The New York Timeshas reviewed the memoin its entirety.Two senior British officials have confirmed the authenticity of the memo,
but declined to talk further about it, citing Britain’s Official
Secrets Act, which makes it illegal to divulge classified information.
According to the memo, at the time of the meeting, the United States and
Britain had been pressing for a second United Nations resolution
condemning Iraq, which they would fail to obtain. Bush had issued a
public ultimatum to Saddam Hussein: Disarm or face war. But behind
closed doors, Bush was certain that war was inevitable. During the
January 31 meeting, he made clear to Blair that he was determined to
invade Iraq without the second UN resolution, or even if international
arms inspectors failed to find unconventional weapons.Bush had even penciled in March 10th as the start date for the military campaign when the bombing would begin.
Bush and Blair candidly expressed their doubts that chemical, biological
or nuclear weapons would be found in Iraq in the coming weeks. The two
envisioned a quick victory and a transition to a new Iraqi government
that would be complicated, but manageable. Bush predicted and Blair
agreed that it was “unlikely there would be internecine warfare between
the different religious and ethnic groups”, which turned out to be
woefully wrong. In fact,former officers of Saddam Hussein’s defeated army would become leaders of ISIS. (See“Blowback: ISIS leaders are former officers of Saddam Hussein’s army”)
to the memo, Bush and Blair both acknowledged that no unconventional
weapons had been found inside Iraq. Faced with the possibility of not
finding any WMDs before the planned invasion, Bush talked about three
ways to provoke a confrontation.
As described in the memo:
“The U.S. was thinking offlying U2 reconnaissance aircraftwith fighter coverover Iraq, painted in U.N. colours. If Saddam fired on them, he would be in breach” — whichcould then be used to justify invading Iraq.
“The U.S. might be able to bring out a defector who could give a public presentation about Saddam’s W.M.D.”
A proposal to assassinate Saddam Hussein.
Bush was accompanied at the meeting by Condoleezza Rice, who was then
the national security adviser; Dan Fried, a senior aide to Rice; and
Andrew H. Card Jr., the White House chief of staff. Accompanying Tony
Blair were David Manning; Jonathan Powell, Blair’s chief of staff; and
Matthew Rycroft, a foreign policy aide and the author of the Downing
Street memo of July 2002, which shows that some senior British officials
had been concerned that the United States was determined to invade
Iraq, and that the “intelligence and facts were being fixed around the
policy” by the Bush administration to fit its desire to go to war.
Despite intense lobbying by the United States and Britain, a second United Nations resolution was not obtained.On March 19, 2003, nine days after the target date set by President Bush in the secret meeting with Blair, the U.S.-ledinvasion of Iraq began, dubbed Operation Iraqi Freedom, consisting of 21 days of major combat operations.
Coalition militarycasualtieswere4,491 for the United States, and 179 for the UK. Estimates on the number of Iraqi civilian casualties range from 3,200 to 7,500.
Many U.S. veterans of the Iraq War have reported a range of serious
health issues, including tumors, daily blood in urine and stool, sexual
dysfunction, migraines, frequent muscle spasms, and other symptoms
similar to the debilitating symptoms of “Gulf War syndrome” reported by
many veterans of the 1991 Gulf War, which some believe is related to the
U.S.’s use of radioactive depleted uranium.