by Maj. Bart R. Kessler
from OldThinkerNews Website
The phrase “New World Order” has been widely used on the political scene since first publicly coined by former president, George Bush. Although quickly adopted as the catch phrase of the 1990s, few people actually agree on what “New World Order” really means.
Since “New World Order,” while elusive in definition, is most frequently used to describe aspects of the post Cold War international scenario, understanding the true meaning of that phrase is critical to projecting our future strategic environment and prospects for the new millennium. The attempt of this paper is to reveal that true meaning.
Historical analysis will be the primary methodology used to reveal the meaning of George Bush’s specific terminology describing his concept of “New World Order.”
In a January 16, 1991 speech, he identified the opportunity to build a New World Order,
These words will be dissected and historically analyzed to develop a clear picture of “New World Order.”
Additionally, the primary mechanisms for implementing New World Order will be addressed; and finally, specific strategic environment and national security implications will be drawn from those conclusions.
What “New World Order?”
The phrase, “New World Order” has been widely used since first coined by George Bush in his 1990 speech before a joint session of Congress.
Although quickly adopted as the catch phrase of the 1990s, few people actually agree on what “New World Order” really means. It has been used to describe such diverse contemporary issues as the post Cold War balance of power, economic interdependence, fragmentation and the rise of nationalism, and technology advancement and integration - basically any issue that appears new and different.
The general feeling is that while elusive, this “New World Order” is likely significant. Since “New World Order” is most frequently used to describe aspects of the post Cold War international scenario, understanding the true meaning of that phrase is critical to projecting our future strategic environment and prospects for the new millennium.
The attempt of this paper is to reveal that true meaning.
New World Order Interpretations
In relation to world politics, there are a few basic paradigm-driven interpretations of the New World Order.
Joseph Nye, in his 1992 Foreign Affairs article, “What New World Order?” identifies two of those:
Another dichotomy of New World Order interpretations is presented by Lawrence Freedman in his Foreign Affairs article, “Order and Disorder in the New World.”
The struggle to ascertain George Bush’s true meaning of New World Order is not unique to this author.
Richard Falk, in his 1993 work, The Constitutional Foundations of World Peace, struggled with the realist and liberalist - or more aptly termed - globalist interpretations.
So far there are three New World Order paradigms presented: realist based, focused on balance of power; globalist based, focused on global management and the United Nations (UN); and finally, idealist based, focused on nothing more than the identification of change.
To make an accurate assessment of Bush’s precise meaning, more information is obviously needed.
On January 16, 1991, he further clarified his position in a speech announcing the hostilities with Iraq by identifying the opportunity to build a New World Order,
These specifics in describing Bush’s concept of New World Order clearly lean toward the globalist interpretation.
Joseph Nye pointed out, that the,
Bush’s words, highlighted in the quote above, will be analyzed in detail to reveal the nature of his globalist “big idea” called New World Order.
Specifically, Chapter 2 will focus on the identification of the “UN’s founders.” Chapter 3 will attempt to frame their “vision.” Chapter 4 will address a “credible United Nations” and its “peacekeeping role.” Chapter 5 will analyze “the rule of law” in terms of governing “the conduct of nations.”
Following the detailed analysis of Bush’s words, the mechanisms for implementing the New World Order will be addressed in Chapter 6 as well as the implications of New World Order in Chapter 7. Chapter 8 will reflect this authors final thoughts on the subject.
The United Nations’ Founders
Interpreting Bush’s concept of New World Order begins with identifying the “UN’s founders.”
Who were these men and women “gathered in San Francisco?”
Before pursuing that question, though, it is interesting to note that Bush was not basing his “big idea” on the founding fathers of this great nation, but on a less infamous group of UN founders. In fact, our nation’s founding fathers may not have been enamored with the whole concept of a United Nations.
For instance, George Washington commented in his farewell address that,
San Francisco Conference
The United Nations charter was established at the San Francisco Conference in June, 1945. By analyzing the events leading up to the conference and identifying some of the key players, it may be possible to pinpoint Bush’s “UN founders.”
The War and Peace Studies of World War II provided the backdrop for the development of the United Nations. After 1942, all study groups of the War and Peace Studies shifted focus from the war effort to developing the structure and responsibilities of the future United Nations organization.2
So exactly who were these people that transitioned from the War and Peace Studies to the development and establishment of the United Nations?
On 12 September, 1939, more than two years prior to United States involvement in World War II, Hamilton Fish Armstrong (then editor of the Council on Foreign Relations publication, Foreign Affairs) and Walter Mallory (then Executive Director of the Council) contacted the State Department to offer the services of the Council on Foreign Relations.
Aware of the fact that the State Department would not be able to create a brain trust within a short period of time, both Secretary of State Cordell Hull and Hull’s undersecretary, Sumner Welles, agreed to the Council’s plan.5
The State Department/Council relationship was not public knowledge, though.
Isaiah Bowman, then a Council on Foreign Relations Director, wrote in November of 1939 that,
Over the next five years, almost 100 men, financed by nearly $350,000 from the Rockefeller Foundation, formulated 682 memoranda and drafts for the State Department.
The studies were divided into four primary functional groups:
...all headed and staffed by Council members.7
Determining the precise impact of those memoranda on the decisions of the State Department is impossible, but Armstrong and Mallory were convinced that their efforts both defined the boundaries of debate within the government and secured the Council’s role as the center of attention for setting foreign policy priorities.8
The cooperation between the Council and the State Department was further enhanced when, in 1942, the State Department invited Council members to participate in the newly created Advisory Committee on Postwar Foreign Policy.
In the spring of 1943, Armstrong and Norman H. Davis (a Council Director) proposed a plan to Secretary of State Hull for a “supranational organization” based on the Wilsonian ideals of liberal internationalism. Hull subsequently asked Davis to present the proposal to President Roosevelt.
Roosevelt liked the idea and within a short time blueprints for a charter of the successor to the League of Nations were drafted and discussed... In his discussions with Davis, President Roosevelt proposed changes, and Davis introduced these into the discussions and revisions of drafts. Roosevelt, in August 1943, took the final draft with him to the Quebec Conference, where it was accepted by Britain’s Prime Minister Winston Churchill and Foreign Minister Eden.
With only minor changes, the text was taken to Moscow and signed by delegates of the United States, Great Britain, China, and the Soviet Union as the Moscow Declaration on 1 November 1943.
In this document, the nations not only pledged to coordinate and cooperate in their war aims but also declared,
The framework for the United Nations was clearly in place. The culmination would come at the San Francisco Conference. Authors of the subject disagree as to the specific amount of influence levied by the Council.
Dan Smoot, in The Invisible Government, concludes that:
Cleon Skousen in The Naked Capitalist deduced a different number when he said:
Whatever the number, it is clear that the Council was a major player in both the conference and the founding of the UN.
Even Michael Wala, who is much less convinced of the power of the Council than Smoot and Skousen, said in The Council on Foreign Relations and American Foreign Policy in the Early Cold War that,
Based the discussion so far, it seems reasonable to conclude that Bush’s “UN’s founders,” are represented, maybe not entirely, but at least in large part by the Council on Foreign Relations.
A more detailed look at the Council is required, though, to determine their importance as related to a New World Order.
Council on Foreign Relations
For the Council on Foreign Relations, as a “UN founder,” to play a significant role in the creation of Bush’s New World Order, one would think that they must have some impact on the formulation and/or implementation of American foreign policy.
The relationship between the Council and American foreign policy will now be further analyzed.
The internationalist ideal of the United Nations was not new.
The Council members viewed this as a “second chance” at internationalism through a supranational organization.14 The first, the League of Nations, was a concept formulated with the help of the “The Inquiry,” the predecessor to the War and Peace Studies and catalyst for the creation of the Council on Foreign Relations.
The Inquiry was a working,
In the few years immediately following the Paris Peace Conference, the leaders of the Inquiry established the Council on Foreign Relations.
The Council was formally incorporated on July 29, 1921 with the specific purpose,
As supporters of Wilson and the League of Nations, Council members were greatly disillusioned by the Senate’s rejection of the League and the swell of isolationist sentiment in America.
They “resolved to awaken America to its worldwide responsibilities.” 18
Hence, began the Council’s long-standing drive to advocate globalist foreign policies. Their internationalist bent was clearly demonstrated by one of the Council’s first internal controversies. Within the first year or so of the Council’s existence, an avowed isolationist was invited to speak at private Council dinner meeting.
Many members were outraged.
In response, Isaiah Bowman, of the original Inquiry, presented a different perspective:
This episode established the precedent for Hamilton Fish Armstrong’s strategy of presenting the Council as impartial by inviting varied speakers, but limiting the membership to those “influential figures who shared an internationalist perspective.” 21
Foreign Policy Process Impact
The Council on Foreign Relations has been singled out as one of the most influential organizations impacting American foreign policy.22 The degree to which the Council has influenced foreign policy over the last 75 years is heavily debated; the fact that it has is not. The Council on Foreign Relations is populated with powerful figures from all walks of life.
Their own 25 year history stated that,
Numerous United States presidents, secretaries of state, CIA directors, and many other influential foreign policy positions have been filled with names from the rolls of the Council on Foreign Relations.
Just by scanning the very short list of Council on Foreign Relations past and present Directors and Officers, one can quickly identify several key players in our recent administrations:
A review of the entire Council roll (which this author did not have the resources to pursue) would produce many more.
The Council on Foreign Relations, because of wealthy, influential members such as the Rockefellers, has been traditionally associated with the “elites” in America and has been referred to by some as representative of the “Eastern Establishment.”
There are many conspiracy theories associated with the Council’s influence on American foreign affairs. This paper is not intended to adopt any of those theories, but to show that regardless of support for these theories, most students of the Council have concluded that there is substantial linkage between the Council and American foreign policy.
Michael Wala, who clearly denies support for the conspiracy view, still concludes at the very end of his book, that,
Professor G. William Domhoff has concluded in his studies that through the Council,
As an example, he highlights that twelve of fifteen presidential committees dealing with aspects of foreign and military policy established between 1945 and 1972 were headed by members of the Council on Foreign Relations.27
Anthony Lukas debunked the conspiracy theory in his article, but pointed out that,
Carroll Quigley, a former Georgetown professor, who once taught President Clinton, provided the most intriguing commentary on the subject.
In his 1966 mammoth 1300 plus page work, Tragedy and Hope - A History of the World in Our Time, Quigley commented on the conspiracy theory:
He goes on to further clarify that,
The linchpin is that Quigley identifies the “American Establishment” half of the “Anglophile network” as the Council on Foreign Relations.32
These words probably provide the greatest testimony of the power and influence of the Council on Foreign Relations because they come from a man on the inside intimately familiar with the organization and its linkage to the foreign policy process.
Regardless of their perspective, several students and one insider of the Council have all concluded that the Council is a significant player in the American foreign policy process.
This author would have to agree despite the Council’s defense that it is nothing more than,
This picture just doesn’t wash with the comments of members such as Richard Barnet who stated that,
Given the Council’s role as a “UN founder” and their influence on foreign policy, two more linkages need to be discussed prior to proceeding.
Part of the Council on Foreign Relation’s purpose is to provide a foreign affairs educational forum.
One of their primary tools to achieve that purpose is their publication, Foreign Affairs. Officially, Foreign Affairs does not represent the views of the Council, but those of individuals, and is open to all perspectives. However, Wala and Schulzinger have slightly different interpretations.
Wala points out that through discussion groups and Foreign Affairs, Council members sought to,
Schulzinger, in The Wise Men of Foreign Affairs adds that,
Since articles published in Foreign Affairs primarily represent the ideologies and policies important to the Council, they will be frequently utilized as primary sources later in this paper.
It is important to note that the Council on Foreign Relations is not a stand-alone entity with a monopoly on foreign policy influence.
No one organization can be all powerful in today’s complex society. There are many influential organizations, but the Council is one of the few that has been consistently identified throughout the last 75 years.
One additional linkage important to highlight for the rest of this analysis, though, is that of tax exempt foundations.
Republican Congressman Carroll Reese, heading a Special Committee on Tax-Exempt Foundations, concluded the following in his final report published December 16, 1954 by the Government Printing Office:
Nearly twenty years later, Professor Domhoff further evidenced the linkage by pointing out that,
The foundations have provided a funding source for many activities of the Council and related organizations. Recall the earlier mentioned financier of the War and Peace Studies - the Rockefeller Foundation.
The foundation linkage will reappear in later discussions on the “vision” of the “UN founders.”
George Bush and New World Order Linkage
Two final questions need to be addressed prior to proceeding.
The first is, could George Bush have actually inferred involvement of an organization like the Council on Foreign Relations in his “UN founders” phrase? Given Bush’s long-standing involvement with the organization, it seems reasonable to conclude that the answer is, yes!
Bush was on the Council Board of Directors in the years 1977-1979 and a member long before that.39 He stepped down from the boards of the Council, Yale, and the Trilateral Commission to shed his “establishment” image prior to his run for the Republican presidential nomination.40
But, despite early momentum, he lost the 1980 Republican primary to Ronald Reagan due largely to what Holly Sklar calls,
Obviously, Bush knows a thing or two about the workings of the Council and as such, clearly understands their linkage to the formation of the United Nations.
The second question is, why has such a significant amount of effort gone into describing the relationships of the Council on Foreign Relations prior to proceeding with the analysis of Bush’s New World Order words? Understanding the Council relationship is critical to establishing the framework for the upcoming description of New World Order vision and implementation mechanisms.
Council related writings will therefore provide the predominant sources for the rest of this paper.
New World Order Vision
The current task at hand is to build a clear picture of the New World Order “promise and vision” of Bush’s UN founders. To accomplish this, the ideas that evolved from the War and Peace studies will first be examined. Then two, more contemporary world order studies related to the Council on Foreign Relations will be evaluated.
The aspects of New World Order vision that impact national security strategy are those that will be highlighted.
War and Peace Studies
In his 1992 Foreign Affairs article, Joseph Nye, comparing the present with the past, concluded that,
And the vision of that liberal institutional order was driven by the Council’s War and Peace Studies. The first critical challenge to world order vision was to resolve the competing nature of universal order on one hand and national sovereignty on the other.
Walter R. Sharp, a general working on the War and Peace Studies Politics group, denounced the,
Sharp foresaw the advancement of economic interdependence as means of eroding national barriers.
On the security side, the studies concluded that the new United Nations must have responsibility for policing international disorders. Several recommendations were presented for the creation of an international police-like force. Rather than creating a true multinational army, Colonel George Fielding Eliot advocated assigning whole units of national forces on a two-year rotating basis to UN command.
Eliot’s fear of a permanent UN multinational police force was that a centralized Chief of Staff,
Another Armaments group staffer, Theodore P. Wright, presented a truly visionary strategy for international policing which may be viewed as a prophesy of the outcome of the Gulf War.
Wright foresaw air power as the wise solution to overcoming the difficulties of forging a true international army. Air power provided the opportunity for awesome destructiveness while employing relatively few personnel.
Minor powers lacked air forces of any significance and were helpless against superpower fighters and bombers acting under UN direction.
He expected an international air force to apply “quick and certain” retribution against peace violators. Such action, according to Wright would promote the “development of feelings of world citizenship.” 4
The Gulf War could be viewed as fulfillment of that vision. Asymmetrical coalition air forces under UN authority (via resolution) provided the “quick and certain” retribution against the violator, Iraq.
In fact, George Bush alluded to the,
Grayson Kirk, also of the Armament group, envisioned the necessity of an “intermediate arrangement” between the jump from world war to world sovereignty. He advocated an intermediate step of regional security arrangements built around the United States, Great Britain, Soviet Union, and China. Additionally, he felt that regionalism could only be a catalyst for international integration if it remained informal and flexible.6
The Council strongly backed the loosening of the definition of American interests to include applying military force “wherever a serious threat to peace may arise.”
Aggressor nations must be thwarted by collective force. As such, a criteria for determining aggression must be established.
The Armaments group identified an aggressor as a,
The War and Peace Studies therefore formulated a foundational vision of a New World Order of transitional sovereignty, aided by economic interdependence; collective security maintaining international order through a multinational police force under centralized authority; and, a shift from unilateral actions based solely on national interests to support of collective actions based on common interests, especially against “aggressor nations.”
The authors of the War and Peace Studies provided both the framework of the New World Order vision and the realization that the international transformation would be a long term venture.
Unlike their Paris Peace Conference predecessors, the studies staffers recognized that shift to greater world sovereignty would take time and that the,
In addition, regional arrangements would provide the stepping stone to world order.
Since this evolution - as predicted - has been a long term venture, it pays to look at some more recent Council related studies to provide more fidelity to the contemporary New World Order vision.
In the 1970s, two independent studies related to New World Order were undertaken.
One, the World Order Models Project, was directed by Council member and former Rutgers Professor of Law, Saul H. Mendlovitz, with heavy academic contributions by another Council member, Princeton Professor Richard A. Falk, and financed by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and the Rockefeller Foundation. 9
The second, The 1980s Project, was an extensive study produced by the Trilateral Commission, a Council offshoot created by David Rockefeller to focus on developing trilateral regional cooperation between the United States, Western Europe, and Japan.
World Order Models Project
Richard Falk and other World Order Models Project (WOMP) contributors give credit to Mendlovitz as having “done much to shape the course of this world order journey” over the past 25 years.10
The WOMP provides probably the most idealistic vision for the New World Order, concentrating on evolving a “transnational framework of world order values, thinking, and action.” 11
The four central world order values are:
It is interesting to note that Robert S. McNamara was a member of the WOMP Sponsoring and Policy Review Committee.13 The WOMP, while idealistic, was surely not utopian.
Mendlovitz describes the action-oriented WOMP methodology:
While the WOMP values seem mundane enough, their conclusions were not.
With the main concern of the WOMP being war and its destructive nature, one of their central New World Order visions in Falk’s A Study of Future Worlds was the,
Hidemi Suganami, in his review of world order proposals, summarizes Falk’s New World Order guiding principles as world disarmament, establishment of an international police force to settle disputes, implementation of a global checks and balances system, and constitution of a coordinating body to provide unity to the global structure.16
WOMP-related work has continued throughout the years. Mendlovitz more recently developed specific time phased objectives to support what he called a “Movement For A Just World Peace.”
His short run objectives for 1991-1993 included,
His intermediate targets for 2001-2003 included:
And finally, Mendlovitz’s long range goals for 2011-2013 were much more ambitious.
Mendlovitz presents a vision of evolutionary disarmament accompanied by corresponding strengthening of a UN security apparatus. Additionally, he advocates a mechanism - global tax - to fund international organizations and foresees an enhancement of international judiciary powers.
This vision at first blush may seem somewhat radical, but a closer look shows it not to be far off the mark. The process of disarmament, spurred by the end of the Cold War, did in fact begin about the time Mendlovitz predicted. The UN security apparatus has strengthened through the course of recent activities in Bosnia, Somalia, Haiti, and Rwanda.
The United States seems to have fully adopted the concept of UN sponsored and supported actions based on the extent of UN/multinational related doctrine being published by the Department of Defense. Several recommendations for a tax on international flights to financially support the UN have recently been presented, the most notable by former Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali.18
And finally, the enhancement of international judiciary powers is demonstrated by such recent events as the 1996 swearing-in of 21 judges constituting the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea.19
The reason for success in implementing world order visions is not chance. These visionaries do not perceive their actions as academic exercises. They do not advocate passive acceptance of evolutionary world order shifts, but active engineering of the transition process.
Falk clearly states that,
Later, in A Study of Future Worlds, Falk provides a specific strategy:
The articulated philosophies of former Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali and the active advocacy of UN peacekeeping by Canada, may be evidence of reasonable success of Falk’s twenty year old strategy.
There is one additional New World Order project which needs to be addressed prior to proceeding. In the 1970s, the Council on Foreign Relations, primarily through its offshoot - the Trilateral Commission - undertook a five year, $1.6 million research effort titled the “1980s Project.”
According to its Director, Richard H. Ullman, the 1980s Project was,
The 1980s Project’s task was to define the issues and policies required to respond to a post Cold War international scenario. Unlike its predecessors, the Inquiry and the War and Peace Studies, the 1980s Project was a study effort open to members and non-members, and openly published to stimulate a broad professional audience - not just government decision-makers.23
The primary focus of the 1980s Project was social and economic issues, but a few security related studies were pursued. In fact, Cyrus Vance, former Council director, chaired a group charged with studying weapons of mass destruction immediately prior to becoming Secretary of State.24
One clear influence on our current military came from the study titled International Disaster Relief (1977)
It recommended that Washington should do more to coordinate its relief efforts to assist flood, earthquake, famine, and other disaster victims. Relief agencies should be given more direct responsibility for operations.
And, all nations should accept the,
This concept has manifest itself this decade in the likes of Somalia and Rwanda. The United States has adopted humanitarian assistance as a military mission and corresponding military doctrine is currently on the street and being written to more effectively involve the relief agencies in humanitarian assistance operations.
The 1980s Project, under the auspices of the Trilateral Commission, primarily involved authors from the United States, Europe, and Japan. The broadly based recommendations ignored the centrality of the Cold War and as a whole indicted the “narrow, ethnocentric, and ideological course of American foreign policy since 1945.26
The diverse set of policy recommendations, clearly globalist in nature, advocated an incremental approach to functional interdependence. The project ideas, while seemingly ahead of their time, set the agenda for the next couple of decades. The Carter administration attempted to implement some of the 1980s Project “world order politics” in 1977 and 1978, but fell victim to the reality of the Cold War.27
The Council, in its own historical account, again highlights its ability to influence the implementation of its own world order ideas:
By analyzing the above studies, the “vision of the UN founders” comes into a little better focus.
The vision is clearly globalist.
This New World Order vision provides the framework for interpreting a “credible United Nations” and its “peacekeeping role” in the upcoming chapter.
A Credible United Nations and its Peacekeeping Role
To be “credible,” the United Nations is dependent upon the full development of its “peacekeeping role” as envisioned by its founders.
As a second attempt to implement Wilsonian-like internationalism, the United Nations must achieve international credibility to shed the stigma of its aborted predecessor, the League of Nations.
The interdependence between credibility and peacekeeping is most clearly articulated by former Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali:
So, credibility of the UN as a guarantor of international security is contingent upon having both the authority and means to take military action. In understanding the UN’s peacekeeping role, it is important to note the semantic difference between war and peacekeeping from the UN founders’ perspective.
Peacekeeping is a more contemporary word for what the UN founders envisioned as international police action.
Payson Wild of the War and Peace Studies Armaments group distinguished between war and international policing (or peacekeeping in today’s vernacular) by defining police action as force used “in behalf of the community” for “the maintenance of order and the establishment of the supremacy of law” versus war which is “conducted for a national authority” to achieve “the defeat of the enemy.”
Policing or peacekeeping implied that armed forces are “under community control and used only against those who break community laws.” 2 The supremacy of law in this context relates to Bush’s “rule of law” which will be covered in the next chapter.
Roosevelt himself used the police analogy in describing credible UN peacekeeping:
In discounting the extreme leverage applied by Security Council members such as the United States, Roosevelt continued his analogy:
Again, it is clear that the UN must possess both the authority and means to be an effective and credible international “policeman.”
The authority comes through reduction in the role of the Security Council veto. The “means” most generally advocated is that of a permanent UN peacekeeping force.
Robert C. Johansen in the WOMP related work, The Constitutional Foundations of World Peace explains:
He then paints a very quaint picture of international police enforcement:
Boutros Boutros-Ghali, also a permanent force advocate, recommended that negotiations commence to create the,
He felt that the end of the Cold War removed the major political obstacles preventing earlier fulfillment of this Charter vision.
Burns H. Weston, another Constitutional Foundations of World Peace author, provides the most comprehensive strategy for achieving “credible” UN peacekeeping.
In summary, further clarification of George Bush’s words identifies a New World Order where a “credible United Nations” achieves authority by minimizing the role of Security Council veto and uses permanently assigned/allocated armed forces in a “peacekeeping role” to fulfill the international policeman “vision of the UN’s founders.”
Rule of Law
Critical to the interpretation of Bush’s call for a New World Order “where the rule of law... governs the conduct of nations,” is the understanding of the context of “rule of law.”
It is interesting that while using the same “rule of law” phrase in their addresses, Bush failed to provide any clarification of meaning, yet Gorbachev explicitly highlighted that states “subordinate their foreign policy activities to law.” 1
Former Secretary of State James Baker provided some “rule of law” clarification on September 26, 1990 when he advised the House Foreign Affairs Committee that,
Henry Kissinger additionally pointed out that “conventional American thinking” supports the notion of “a New World Order,” emerging from a “set of legal arrangements.” 3
It is important to note the linkage created between New World Order, rule of law-international law, and the United Nations. Just how would these New World Order “legal arrangements” of international law be implemented and what is the relationship to the United Nations?
James Baker once again provided some insight.
Responding to House Foreign Affairs Committee questioning, Baker said that we, the United States,
Author Laura L. Kirmse, after researching the details of Baker’s premise, has concluded that Bush’s New World Order refers to a move toward world authority under the auspices of a revitalized United Nations, and that UN treaties, once ratified by the Senate, may override and supersede the laws of the US, and even the Constitution itself.5
The Constitution of the United States directs the following in regard to treaties:
In the Jeffersonian tradition, treaties were intended to affect state-to-state actions, not to have direct authority within a country over the laws, regulations, or the relationship between the government and its citizens.
Several legal decisions and constitutional interpretations have demonstrated otherwise, though. Kirmse identifies several legal rulings which support the supremacy of the UN Charter.
Fuji v. the State of California provides the most eye-opening position:
John Foster Dulles understood this concept well as attested by these comments made in a 1952 speech [documented in the Congressional Record] of his prior to being appointed Secretary of State:
Several wise Americans in the 1950s began to fear both the legal power of United Nations-related treaties to supersede the Constitution and the vague authority of the President through the “conduct of foreign affairs” to bind the United States legally by executive agreements requiring no Senate ratification.
The deals at Yalta between President Roosevelt and Stalin, the Potsdam agreement between President Truman and Stalin, and according to then Secretary of State, John Foster Dulles, over 10,000 NATO agreements all fall within the context of “executive agreements.” Many were never published.
As a result, Senator John W. Bricker, supported by 63 other Senators, sponsored an amendment to close the perceived Constitutional loopholes.
The Bricker Amendment would have added the following language to clarify the Constitution:
Although seemingly patriotic and simple, the amendment was killed by President Eisenhower.10
Not to infer cause and effect, but only to note the curious - Dwight D. Eisenhower was a member of the Council on Foreign Relations.11 The fears that United States citizens may be legally subject to trials of international courts were not suppressed.
The House Foreign Affairs Committee discussion with Secretary of State Baker in September of 1990 reveals that this concern is not antiquated:
The evidence of constitutional logic, legal precedence, and executive and legislative intent seems to support Kirmse’s conclusion that:
The international “rule of law” then has the potential to govern much more than the “conduct of nations.”
It also may govern the conduct of the individual. In the Council on Foreign Relations and American Assembly (founded in 1950 by Dwight D. Eisenhower) 1992 work, Rethinking American Security - Beyond Cold War to New World Order, John H. Barton and Barry E. Carter identify the most notable aspects of international law evolution over the last 50 years.
They recognized that,
Former UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali provided insight into recent events related to international law and tribunals.
In his 1992 Agenda for Peace, Boutros Boutros-Ghali, in an attempt to reinforce the role of the International Court of Justice, recommended that,
Note the similarity to Mendlovitz’s WOMP decade of the 1990s goal of “submission to the compulsory jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice” identified in Chapter 3.
The most revealing fulfillment of Barton and Carter’s revelation was the October 1996 swearing-in ceremony of twenty-one Law of the Seas Tribunal’s Judges by Boutros Boutros-Ghali.
During his swearing-in statement, Boutros Boutros-Ghali said:
Boutros Boutros-Ghali continues with words that seem to be extracted directly from Bush’s New World Order speech:
It seems like everyone in the business of New World Order is singing from the same sheet of music.
Nearly twenty years ago, Peter Jay, in his 1979 Foreign Affairs article, “Regionalism as Geopolitics,” noted that:
The breakdown of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War reduced the suspicion and cynicism by creating the perception of stability.
The 1990s then provided George Bush the opportunity to fulfill Jay’s New World Order prophesy.
The Road to New World Order
World order as a set of concepts, objectives, and strategies is anything but “new.”
George Bush was not the father of New World Order thinking, just an advocate that happened to be in the right position at the right time to flame the fires of the next significant thrust in the evolutionary development of world order.
The Bush instigated post-Cold War New World Order thrust can be interpreted as the third major attempt in this century to create a world ordered by a “credible” universal authority enforcing the international “rule of law” through collective security measures, police action or “peacekeeping.”
The “vision” of world order has remained fairly constant throughout this century; specific strategies for attainment, though, have varied widely. The climax of the three most significant world emotional events in this century, World War I, World War II, and the Cold War, have provided the catalyst for successive attempts at New World Order.
The first two attempts were manifested in the form of the League of Nations and the United Nations. The third attempt at achieving New World Order is much more complex, amorphous, and difficult to distinguish.
Discernment of the third attempt is the subject of this chapter.
Third Try at New World Order
The epigraph quote on the previous page by F.S. Marvin referred to the world order precedent set by the formation of the League of Nations.
Marvin was careful to point out, though, that the League was an important symbol, but not the genesis or end-all of world order:
He provides further clarification by describing the New World Order goal and limited role of the League:
So, we can see that 65 years ago, there was perceived to be a New World Order movement towards world unity and decreased nationality/sovereignty. The League was an unparalleled symbol of the movement, but a symbol nonetheless. The League, as a mechanism of the world order movement, failed to fulfill expectations largely due to lack of support from isolationist Americans.
Recall from Chapter 2 the framework for the League of Nations was formulated by the “Inquiry” - the predecessor to the Council on Foreign Relations World War II War and Peace Studies. World War II conveniently provided an opportunity for the “founders of the UN” to propose a second attempt at world order which would presumably account for the flaws inherent in the League structure.
In Michael Wala’s words:
The establishment of the United Nations became the second attempt.
Although more successful than its predecessor, the UN again failed to meet New World Order expectations largely because of the Cold War friction between the United States and the Soviet Union. International dynamics had to change for the world to accept a “credible” UN fulfilling the “vision” of its “founders.”
The trigger event was the fall of the Berlin Wall and corresponding end to the Cold War. The fact, though, is the third attempt, very dissimilar to the first two, was well under way prior to that event.
Evidence of this was provided by Harlan Cleveland, former Assistant Secretary of State, former Ambassador to NATO, and member of the Council on Foreign Relations, in his comments regarding a 1976 report he helped author, United Nations, released by the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations:
New World Order Paths
The third attempt, more complicated than the others, involves traversing three interlinked paths that pave the road to world order.
One path involves strengthening the powers of the United Nations and its associated institutions to enhance their world authority. The second path on the road to New World Order is through evolutionary regionalism.
The idea is to develop regional entities that bind states through super-state political, economic, and legal arrangements.
The third path is built on the foundation of piecemeal functionalism whereby functional issues such as economics and trade, environmental conservation, and weapons of mass destruction proliferation drive international interdependence and further international law constraints. Much of “piecemeal functionalism” is directly related to UN subsidiaries.
The following sections briefly describe the historical and recent support for the three paths on the road to world order.
United Nations Strengthening
The call for strengthening the United Nations from the world order advocates has been strong and consistent.
Robert Ducci in his 1964 Foreign Affairs article, “The World Order in the Sixties,” said that:
A detailed plan for strengthening the UN was articulated by John Logue, Vice-President of World Federalist Association.
On December 4, 1985, he gave the following testimony to the Human Rights and International Organization subcommittee of the House Foreign Affairs Committee joint hearing on the United Nations:
Over the last few years, almost all of those recommendations have been pursued by the United Nations and its supporters.
As one example, Boutros Boutros-Ghali was aided by the Ford Foundation (tax-exempt foundation link to financing New World Order strategies) in creating an advisory group of financial specialists and bankers to identify “dependable sources of revenue.” Their recommendations included imposing a UN tax on international plane tickets.7
Another example was the previously discussed establishment of the International Law of the Sea Tribunal providing the mechanism “to make and enforce law on the individual.”
The continuous strengthening and legitimization of the UN sets the stage for Bush’s observation that:
The strategy of building world order on the framework of regionalism has also been around for quite some time.
In 1929, N.S.B. Gras in his Foreign Affairs article, “Regionalism and Nationalism,” stated:
Gras emphasized the importance of the region to a “super-state of some kind.”
A reasonably accurate fulfillment of this vision is found in the European Community which is well on its way to becoming a super-state containing its own political, economic, and judicial systems.
A more radical concept in the evolutionary development of world order regionalism was presented in 1949 by Maurice Parmelee in Geo-Economic Regionalism and World Federation:
Parmelee further specifies that,
In fact, geo-economic, interdependent regionalism is exactly the policy advocated and pursued over the last twenty-five years by the Trilateral Commission. The Trilateral
Commission was founded in July 1973 by David Rockefeller, then Council on Foreign Relations Chairman of the Board. Its purpose was previewed by Zbigniew Brzezinski, former National Security Advisor, Council Director, and Trilateral Commission President, in his 1973 Foreign Affairs article when he stated that,
Brzezinski and the Trilateral Commission took their mission very seriously:
With the Cold War still at the forefront of international relations, the Trilateral Commission seemed somewhat omniscient when in the 1970s they observed that the,
The Trilateral Commission recognized that this third attempt at world order, building a “global political system” primarily through economic interdependence, would not come quickly:
The Commission’s primary undertaking was to create a new international economic order through trilateral cooperation.
Some of their early successes were highlighted by former Washington Post reporter, Jeremiah Novak:
Recall that trilateral regionalism represents only one world order path.
In the words of William Hoar,
Boutros Boutros-Ghali provided the contemporary linkage between regionalism and the first path to world order, UN strengthening. In his “Agenda for Peace” speech, Boutros-Ghali said,
His focus at that point was security arrangements, but the concept of regional linkage to UN authority applies universally.
Not to lose sight of the objective of this analysis - interpreting George Bush’s meaning of “New World Order” - it is important to come full cycle to Bush’s vision as articulated to the United Nations General Assembly:
The final, and most intriguing path supporting the third attempt at world order is referred to as piecemeal functionalism. Several Council on Foreign Relations related authors and studies have advocated world order strategies based on piecemeal functionalism.
The Trilateral Commission recommends piecemeal functionalism as a means of achieving the interdependence between nations and regions as discussed in the previous section.
The 1977 Trilateral Commission Task Force Report, Towards a Renovated International System, laid out a specific definition and strategy for piecemeal functionalism:
Richard N. Gardner, former Carter advisor, Ambassador to Italy, Council member, and Columbia University law professor, presented the most revealing look at an integrated New World Order strategy in his 1974 Foreign Affairs article, “The Hard Road to World Order”
He answered the call for an innovative third attempt at world order by advocating a decentralized functional - ”piecemeal functionalism” - approach anchored by the “rule of law” and integrated with the United Nations:
Gardner’s specific functional institution-building issues were: the international monetary system, international trade, environment, population explosion, food shortages, the world’s oceans, weapons proliferation, and peacekeeping.23
All of those issues have indeed been catalysts for international action over the last twenty-three years. It’s apparent that the international growth of interdependence at the functional level that we have experienced over the last quarter of a century may not have been the result of random “booming, buzzing confusion,” but in fact a more calculated strategy of world order.
Twenty-three years seems to be beyond the planning range of most, but not Gardner and certainly not the Council.
Gardner realistically explained that:
New World Order Implications
The intent of this paper was to derive some conclusions about the strategic environment and prospects for the new millennium based on the interpretation of George Bush’s New World Order - where the,
This author’s perspective of Bush’s New World Order will be briefly recapped.
The implications of new world orderism, taken independently, do not appear to be surprising revelations.
Taken as a whole and taken within the context of the New World Order vision laid out over the past chapters, these implications may raise some concern.
The first conclusion drawn from this analysis involves the structure of the international system. One of the current hot topics of political discussion is projecting the nature of the post-Cold War international system. The simple bipolar structure no longer exists.
Many scholars present variations of what Daniel S. Papp calls the three primary possibilities,
The truth, though, is that the complexity of the strategy for world order drives an international structure that does not lend itself to simple models. Joseph Nye, a Trilateral Commission author, provides the most descriptive world analogy in his model termed “multilevel interdependence.”
In a 1992 Foreign Affairs article, he said:
Note the reflection of trilateral regionalism and piecemeal functionalism in this model.
He adds that:
State permeability implies the leakage or transfer of national authority and sovereignty to some other medium. One willing and active recipient is the United Nations.
United Nations Sovereignty
Boutros Boutros-Ghali in his 1992 Agenda for Peace first emphasized that respect for the state’s,
Then he refined his statement by declaring that,
The attack on national sovereignty is real, but subtle. The League of Nations failed in part because of its overt grab at national sovereignty. The UN proponents are careful not to repeat that mistake.
Joseph Nye predicts that,
Foreign Affairs published an article in 1996 by conservative Senator Jesse Helms which, not surprisingly, was critical of the United Nations’ attempt to dissolve national sovereignty.
Senator Helms, who was severely blasted in the letters to the editor of the following Foreign Affairs issue, said that,
He continues by noting that,
The subtle complexity by which the United Nations is likely to enhance their sovereignty at the expense of the sovereignty of the states is best described by a model presented by Farida Aziz in his work, New World Order, the 21st Century.
He astutely concludes that,
This analogy nicely integrates the “rule of law” concept and resolves the dichotomy of Boutros Boutros-Ghali’s statement apparently supportive of fundamental state sovereignty yet against exclusive state sovereignty. State sovereignty will be relegated to “leasehold” activities under the “rule of law governing the conduct of nations.”
The landlord becomes the United Nations and the lease enforcement mechanism is international “peacekeeping.”
With the decline of state sovereignty will come the increase in types and frequency of United Nations peacekeeping actions. Recall that to be “credible,” the UN must develop the capability to enforce international order.
Under the vision of its founders, this collective security mechanism was to be a UN military force under Security Council control. When those key elements did not materialize, the UN pursued a role not originally foreseen - ”peacekeeping.”
Now that the United Nations is within sight of fulfilling the vision of its founders, the “peacekeeping” concept must be expanded to encompass world order enforcement. “Peacekeeping” is a convenient phrase to spin-off of because of its non-threatening nature.
Bruce Russett, former Director of the Executive Office of the UN Secretary General, and James S. Sutterlin present a comprehensive discussion of the UN collective security and peacekeeping roles in their 1991 Foreign Affairs article, “The UN in a New World Order.”
They also note the flexible application of the term peacekeeping:
Their most revealing observation is that,
So the concept of Security Council decision making autonomy is introduced. That autonomy is an integral aspect of UN “credibility.”
Many internationalists now advocate full execution of Article 43 of the UN Charter whereby member nations make units of their armed forces available for UN enforcement actions in accordance with special agreements between themselves and the Security Council.
Boutros Boutros-Ghali reinforced the concept when he declared:
Richard Gardner more specifically addresses the possibility of Security Council autonomy in his explanation of the benefits of full implementation of Article 43:
The Senate is probably not ready to sign up to that level of United States commitment to the UN in the near future, but a move in that direction is possible.
The shift will likely come in the form of apportioned rapid deployment forces fully trained in and available for UN operations. This concept is widely advocated by likes of Boutros Boutros-Ghali, Richard Gardner, Joseph Nye, and many others. Boutros Boutros-Ghali envisions the capability for a 24-hour call-up contingency force sourced from any of a number of nations.14
Gardner and Nye intuitively highlight the necessity of common training and multinational exercises to develop an effective UN command and control structure and operational procedures.15
The United States is likely to move in this direction - enhancing UN peacekeeping related doctrine, training, and exercises, while for the meantime, maintaining control over commitment of forces.
Common vs. National Interests
The commitment of forces to UN peacekeeping missions will most likely continue to increase, though.
The principle driver will be the shift of emphasis of the American leadership from the protection of vital national interests as commitment criteria to the protection of “common” world interests. This is a reflection of the interdependence created by years of piecemeal functionalism.
The Washington Times presented an interesting perspective on the relationship between the UN, New World Order, and U.S. interests in an April 18, 1986 article:
Will the United States send American soldiers across the globe to support UN actions that may not directly support United States interests? We have and we will. George Bush clearly articulated his position on this issue in his “Toward a New World Order” speech to Congress.
He emphatically stated:
We have already seen a dilution of the meaning and application of “national vital interests.”
The concept of “common vital interests” is even more fluid, and can be used to justify United States involvement in almost any contingency. Consequently, as the UN grows in strength, we will likely experience increased United States military operations tempo supporting more ambiguous missions. At the same time, military force structure will continue to decline due to budget and New World Order pressures.
Again, nothing is particularly new about the “New World Order.” The issues of armed force, sovereignty, and national interests have been the focus of world order discussions and recommendations for decades.
The “founders of the UN,” though, just seem to have a particularly peculiar vision that has survived through years of evolution of the international system.
Former Council on Foreign Relations member and influential Kennedy administration State Department Official, Walt Whitman Rostow in his 1960 work, The United States in the World Arena, said:
An odd interpretation of national interests, indeed!
The road to New World Order at the international level is somewhat comparable to the path this country has taken over the past two hundred years at the national level.
Our founding fathers perceived the states to be the sovereign foundation of the United States of America, with the central government only exercising control over those areas allowed by the states. But, as time passed and the central government grew in power and size, the states lost more and more of their sovereignty.
Each successive gain of authority at the central level was justified on the basis of altruistic motives. But, one day the country wakes up to discover that the altruistic piecemeal expansion has resulted in a bloated bureaucracy that consumed countless valuable resources, limited state freedoms, and created a debt structure that no generation is likely to recover from.
What is to say that the same will not happen at the international level?
The nation states are espoused by the likes of Boutros Boutros-Ghali as the sovereign foundation of the New World Order just as our country’s states were the sovereign foundation of America. But as with our federal government, achievement of the New World Order is contingent upon shifting that sovereignty from the state to central level.
Again, the justification is righteous - peace and prosperity for all mankind. What will be the end result, though? Bloated bureaucracy, limited freedoms, and international debt?
Many internationalists argue that the only way to end wars is through the creation of a New World Order based on world authority and collective security. The trouble that comes with that New World Order will be overshadowed by the benefit of peace and prosperity. The problem is that all governmental entities are run by people.
And not all people have the purest of motives. International “peacekeeping” may not always be used in an altruistic manner. Hundreds of years ago, the Old Testament prophet, Daniel, prophesied that in the end times,
Current momentum favors implementation of the internationalist world order model as advocated by George Bush. Success, though, will be dependent upon the dynamics of world politics.
There are too many factors and unknowns in the world to declare New World Order victory, but continued progress in that direction seems inevitable.
In this author’s assessment, the Gulf War was a cornerstone event in the fulfillment of the internationalist vision of world order. The UN sanctioned collective multinational military retribution against an aggressor nation that violated the territorial integrity of a nation state validated the concept of world order and provided the catalyst for the culminating third attempt at “New World Order.”
They key is not to view the Gulf War as a specific model for future UN actions, but as a trigger event that jumped the evolution of the international system from its derailed Cold War state back on the tracks or road to New World Order.
Bush recognized the significance of this event as evidenced by his statement to the UN General Assembly:
There has been a lot of conjecture over the reason for terminating the Gulf War ground offensive at 100 hours.
One candidate explanation has to be that at the 100-hour point all UN objectives had been met. The United States had not achieved its own objective of destroying the Republican Guard, but as a collective security force, the coalition had fulfilled all the requirements of the UN resolution. That established the precedent for a “credible United Nations” to use its “peacekeeping role” against international aggressors under the “rule of law.”
The cornerstone had been laid for the final fulfillment of the “promise and vision of the UN’s founders.”